765.84/4820
The Minister Resident in Ethiopia
(
Engert
)
to the Secretary of
State
No. 135
Addis
Ababa
, May 5, 1936.
[Received July
10.]
Sir: Referring to the Legation’s despatch
No. 128 of April 24, 1936,41 with which there was enclosed a broadcast speech
by the Empress Mennen, I have the honor to transmit herewith, in
translation, two statements made to the Press by the Empress on
April 22 and 23, respectively, and one statement by Princess Tsahai,
her 17-year-old daughter.
The statements of the Empress are said to have been drafted in part
by the Emperor, while the one made by Princess Tsahai—who speaks
English and French quite fluently—is reported to embody almost
entirely her own ideas. All three are rather remarkable documents
and are forwarded to the Department as part of the documentary
history of Ethiopia’s most tragic hours. It is possible that they
are not readily available elsewhere as the government radio station
was so overburdened at the time that they may not have been
telegraphed in toto.
What the Empress and her daughter meant to convey—couched in the calm
and measured terms which have been so characteristic of all
Ethiopian official utterances during the conflict with Italy—was
that their country was war-weary from the struggle between utterly
unequal forces and that their poorly armed soldiers were being
annihilated by a great Power which had every advantage—including
poison gas—that science and modern equipment could provide.
In recording these last pathetic appeals for help from a proud and
ancient dynasty I cannot refrain from adding a few comments of my
own regarding the hopeless failure of the League of Nations to save
a member State.
While it was hardly likely that Ethiopia could expect complete
satisfaction from the League, even the most skeptical observers were
not prepared for the unedifying spectacle of seeing the League
supinely permit an aggressor nation to exterminate its victim. A
truly extraordinary situation has developed. Italy’s invading armies
have seized an enormous territory from a fellow-member of the
League; they have bombarded and destroyed some of Ethiopia’s largest
towns; they have killed tens of thousands of Ethiopian soldiers, and
many thousands of defenseless civilians—besides committing the
unspeakable atrocity of using poison gas against them; and they have
wrecked and burned millions of dollars worth of property. And yet no
practical assistance of any kind has been forthcoming under the
terms of the Covenant [Page 69] of the
League which had been devised to cover precisely such a
situation.
Ethiopia has been bewildered by the fluctuating character of the news
from Europe. The attitude of the League and of the Powers
individually evidently underwent several changes, but each time
their policy appears to have become more conciliatory to Italy’s
aspirations. Instead of trying to prevent the war of aggression or,
if that proved impossible, to bring about a cessation of hostilities
at the earliest possible moment by a resolute stand in favor of more
stringent sanctions, the League seems to have been anxiously looking
about for some way out that would save its face. That this produced
a ludicrous discrepancy between fair words and real actions in
Geneva does not seem to have mattered to the governments represented
there.
A profound feeling of pessimism and disillusionment therefore began
to creep over Ethiopia when it became known that no oil embargo
would be imposed on Italy, even though it was obvious that a
complete embargo on the principal raw materials was bound to
strangle Italy and would have forced her to withdraw her troops from
East Africa. This was followed by the Hoare-Laval proposals41a and
Flandin’s peace offer—both moves of singular ineptitude—which seemed
to be merely plays for time to delay as long as possible, and
ultimately to prevent, the application of an oil embargo without
interfering with Italy’s campaign in Ethiopia. All this
dilly-dallying played directly into the hands of Italy and
demonstrated the futility of a policy of sanctions as
faint-heartedly applied by the League. As far as Ethiopia was
concerned the League had practically ceased to function and the
recriminations between members of the League in the Ethiopian crisis
have made a mockery of the Covenant.
Small wonder then that Ethiopia felt herself betrayed and abandoned
by the whole civilized world. Being completely unable to understand
the cynical maneuvers of European diplomacy her faith has been
shaken in the sanctity of international law and morality. She sensed
dimly that the Powers were too preoccupied with the crisis in Europe
to defend a great international principle in the abstract, and that
so long as Ethiopia’s independence was not a vital national interest
to, say, Great Britain and France it was vain to hope that a
collective war would be waged against the peace-breaker. But even
the untutored mind of an Abyssinian must have grasped the truth that
if an instrument of so-called collective security cannot safeguard
peace in Asia or Africa it can hardly be expected to safeguard peace
in Europe. For it seems certain that if the path of the aggressor
had been successfully blocked in Manchuria and in Abyssinia, the
challenge of a remilitarized Germany could have been much more
easily met.
[Page 70]
Whatever excuse the troubled atmosphere and the stark realities of
European diplomacy might furnish for running away in the face of
Mussolini’s defiance, the acquiescence of the world in a new and
unprovoked aggression is sure to have unpleasant repercussions.
Apart from the fact that the black races will wonder whether the
white man’s flexible idea of justice is quite honorable, Western
civilization cannot stand if the tearing up of treaties to satisfy
the fantastic whims of dictators is not checked. We—including the
United States—must all prepare to face the issue: so long as
ruthless nations in the Far East or in Europe can bank on the
pusillanimity of the law-abiding nations it is futile to expect the
dawn of a new era in international relations. The peoples of the
world are gradually realizing that a war of aggression is a wrong
inflicted upon the whole community of nations. But no abject
surrender to wrongdoing will ever make the world safe against the
organized and refined form of barbarity to which we have just been
treated in East Africa.
Respectfully yours,
[Enclosure 1—Translation]
Statement Made by the Empress of Ethiopia to
Foreign Newspapermen at Addis Ababa, April 22,
1936
“In this, the most critical hour of my country’s history and
while we are fighting against the most tremendous odds, I once
more turn to the Press of the world in the hope of finding a
channel through which we may state our case. There is yet time
for those who desire justice to put an end to this most unjust
of wars, this most immoral aggression against the rights of an
independent and inoffensive people. All those who respect the
principles which are intended to regulate the relations between
nations must hide their heads in shame and indignation at the
unfair and unequal treatment from which my country has
suffered.
“For many months before the Italian Government began this war—but
while its intentions were already clearly known—the transport of
troops, war materials and munitions (including poison gas and
aeroplanes) to the territories adjoining Ethiopia, was carried
out on a large scale without a single practical effort on the
part of any Power to prevent these flagrant preparations for the
violation of international agreements.
“Nor is that all. For while Italy was thus arming, Ethiopia
herself was denied by an embargo imposed by the other powers the
right to arm herself for her own defense. And even after a
criminal act of aggression by Italy this embargo remained in
force. The result was that our soldiers were obliged to leave
for the front—where they had to meet a heavily armed enemy—only
inadequately equipped [Page 71]
with rifles, many of which were obsolete, and with swords,
spears, and even sticks. The raising of the arms embargo came
much too late to enable our armies to receive the equipment and
military supplies at a time when they would have been most
effective in enabling us to meet the attack.”
[Enclosure 2—Translation]
Statement Made by the Empress of Ethiopia to
Foreign Newspapermen at Addis Ababa, April 23,
1936
“Even after the League of Nations had unanimously denounced Italy
as the aggressor, Ethiopia experienced innumerable difficulties
in securing the arms and munitions to which she had an
indisputable right.
“And yet, notwithstanding the overwhelming superiority of
equipment of the Italian armies, the latter failed for many
months to make any notable advance against our soldiers. The
Ethiopian soldier made up for his inadequate arms by his bravery
and skill as a warrior. Even machine guns and tanks were
overcome and captured and heavy aerial bombardments did not stop
our advance or break our front.
“It was only when the enemy resorted to that most devilish of all
means of attack, by dropping poisonous and corrosive gases from
the air—indiscriminately upon men, women, children and
cattle—was he able to break through our lines and to secure any
advantage.
“The enemy has won his advantage by means which are not only the
foulest affront to humanity, but are a violation of the
international agreements which he had signed with other Powers.
Even if the sufferings of our defenseless people do not arouse
compassion to the extent of bringing about action to stop this
horror, the flouting of solemn treaties should surely be a
ground for such action by all. Today the enemy is raining the
foul products of his civilization on the hamlets of our distant
country. What assurance is there that a similar terror will not
soon descend upon the populous cities of Europe?
“Only collective agreement can protect the nations against
aggression such as we are now suffering. My country is fighting
for the independence to which she is entitled and which is
guaranteed by the Covenant of the League of Nations, of which
she is a member. We are not yet defeated and, come what may, we
shall use every weapon we possess in defending to the end our
just cause.
“Proud of our armies and the noble struggle our entire people is
making, I ask for assistance by the enforcement of agreements
which the justice of our cause demands. The postponement of
action, on whatever grounds, at this decisive moment has the
effect of favoring our enemy. We regret that even today the
consideration of the application of further sanctions is being
opposed by certain members of the [Page 72] League of Nations. I therefore appeal to
France, the emblem of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity, and to
Great Britain, the defender of Freedom and Justice for all
races, and to the whole world to abandon all further delay in
saving my country from her ruthless adversary.”
[Enclosure 3—Translation]
Statement by Princess Tsahai, Daughter of
the Emperor of Ethiopia, to the Press at Addis Ababa, April
27, 1936
“In the name of Heaven, do help us! Get something done that will
really harm the Italian armies and not merely the Italian
people. I wish you would make use of your numbers and power to
organize mass meetings and prepare petitions in all parts of
every country. Rally your brothers and sons and induce them to
use their massed strength to oblige their Parliaments and rulers
to take action.
“I do not ask you to do this for purely selfish reasons. No, we
are only a small race. But I am seventeen and I know as well as
you do, that if the world permits armies and gas to destroy my
country and people, civilization itself will likewise be
destroyed. We clearly have a common cause, you and I.
“Why, therefore, does not everybody do something to ward off this
common danger to humanity, this agony and death by bombs,
shells, and gas, before it entrenches itself in the world as it
has here, presently, to spread with fatal effect to your homes
and your menfolk, too? Italy’s aggression and her use of gas
have set humanity a test. If you fail to help us now, we shall
all perish together.
“If, instead of reading the papers and exclaiming how terrible it
all is, you banded yourselves together and gave your governments
no peace until they had taken effective action, you would surely
get something done to save us all. That is why I urge you to
hold meetings, send urgent petitions and write to all the
leading men of your countries from Presidents, Chancellors, and
Prime Ministers down. You should make your governments feel the
weight of the power which is behind you. Keep on until they act,
for they will have to take action. Only do be quick!
“They can, through their representatives, concentrate on Rome the
odium of world contempt. They can, if made to through their
representatives or the League, summon Rome immediately to
destroy all its stocks of filthy gas in Africa, and then proceed
and get the stocks destroyed in Europe and elsewhere. They can,
if made to, call upon the League immediately through the
Committee of Eighteen, to prevent the sale of war materials to
Italy.
“All these things they could do quickly—but only if you make them. Do not wait until they
start talking again on May 11, but make them do it now. Although
we have but few modern weapons to help us, [Page 73] still we are doing our best;
but if you do not help quickly with all your might, gas and
aggression will have been found to pay, and will have taken such
root in ‘civilized’ human conduct that you, too, will, like us,
be overtaken by death.
“We are grateful for the sanctions which most of your countries
have adopted. They may help, but obviously they alone are not
enough. Therefore, in the name of Heaven, join together in
getting something done that will really help us before it is too
late.”
