763.72119 Military Clauses/7: Telegram

The Acting Secretary of State to the Ambassador in France (Edge)44

311. Your 502, August 29, 6 p.m. The German Chargé45 came in to see me on August 31 to tell me of the conversations which had begun between Germany and France as a result of Berlin’s demand for equality of rights in the matter of armaments. He explained the German thesis at some length and added that unless the principle of equality were acknowledged by France in advance, there would hardly be any reason for Germany to collaborate further in the Conference at Geneva.

I recalled to the German Chargé that the Secretary had told von Prittwitz as far back as July 21 that this “demand” was a reversal of the attitude which Bruening had taken with the Secretary in Geneva last spring. At that time Bruening had told the Secretary and MacDonald jointly, (the fact that MacDonald was present does not appear in the Secretary’s memorandum to which you referred, [Page 420] but is an item of considerable importance) that he would be satisfied to have the present figures of armament inserted in the new treaty, making only reservation to the effect that this was done voluntarily. Any maneuver by the German Government which would tend to break up a Conference from which she had the most to gain would disturb international confidence in Germany and unsettle the world.

I told Leitner that what was true then was true today. On the one hand this country, not being a party to the Versailles Treaty, was only academically interested in the legalistic phase of the discussion. On the other hand, as a participant in the Disarmament Conference and a protagonist of real reduction of arms, our interest was so real that if Germany, by making extravagant demands, should break up the Conference and prevent disarmament, I felt that the trend of opinion in this country would turn strongly against Germany. Furthermore, it seemed to me that Germany was making this demand at a most unfortunate time since political conditions in Germany were very unstable and France, perhaps rightly, feared serious trouble. Germany could get the equality it wanted during the course of the years, by proving itself stable and pacific, and by winning the growing confidence of the nations. This would be facilitated by a gradual reduction of arms in other nations and not by an increase of armament in Germany.

I concluded that while this country was sympathetic with the desire of Germany to have fair play, I wished to reiterate that we were greatly in favor of disarmament, and that anything which looked like a move in the opposite direction, as did her present demands, would be received with deep disfavor.

The French Chargé d’Affaires46 called yesterday to explain to me the French thesis, and to ask us to help persuade the German Government to postpone the matter until all the nations met again in Geneva. In reply I authorized him to tell his Government that I had discussed the matter with the German Chargé as outlined above, again emphasizing that we were not interested in the Treaty of Versailles angle, but only in the general question of world confidence and world disarmament.

Please repeat the foregoing to Berlin, referring to Sackett’s 168 September 1, 6 p.m.,47 by telegraph, and to London, Brussels and Berne by mail.

I do not think it would be wise to seek out Mr. Herriot and volunteer this information, but if he should raise the subject with you I can see no harm in your explaining to him our position.

Castle
  1. See penultimate paragraph for instructions to repeat to Berlin, London, Brussels, and Berne.
  2. Rudolf Leitner.
  3. Jules Henry.
  4. Not printed.