Since the resumption of the Peace Conference sessions on the 7th
April last, both Delegations have been working assiduously and
harmoniously together in discussing the various subjects
submitted to the Conference.
Much progress have been made and many of the problems disposed of
or a solution for them found and agreed to in the rough by the
special committees or formally by the Conference.
The memorandum submitted by the Southern Delegation in writing to
the Northern Delegation two days in advance and brought up at
the formal session of the Conference on the 13th Inst, consisted
mostly of subjects which had been either discussed informally or
partially or had been held in reserve for discussion at a more
opportune time.
To counteract the false impression which incomplete or inaccurate
reports of the last session of the Conference may have caused, a
circular telegram has been sent out by the Southern Delegation,
giving a true statement of the facts and justifying the action
they have taken in resigning.
“To all the Provincial Assemblies, Educational
Associations, Chambers of Commerce and the Press of the
country:—
It is several months since the undersigned were
commissioned by the Constitutional Government (at
Canton) to act on the Delegation to the Internal Peace
Conference. When the preliminary questions, such as the
Shensi military situation and the disbandment of the
War-Participation Army etc., were brought up, the
behaviour of the Peking Government with relation thereto
was such as to cause a deadlock for more than a month,
the circumstances of which have been made the subject of
a previous statement by us to the public. In the natural
course of events, the resumption of Peace negotiations
would depend upon the removal of the cause of the
deadlock. But out of consideration for the wishes of the
people and the rapid moving of international events, the
undersigned in a spirit of conciliation [Page 347] agreed to renew
negotiations which have been conducted now for more than
a month.
In the meanwhile, an offensive campaign was being carried
on (in Shensi) principally against Chien-hsien while
Peace negotiations were going on in Shanghai. Besides, a
large consignment of arms and ammunition was being
imported by the North. Even now, there is no positive
evidence of the sincerity of the North in their desire
for Peace.
Recently, realizing the critical state of our
international relations and the increasing desire of the
people for peace, and basing our action upon the
sentiments of the whole nation, at the same time, noting
what has transpired at the Conference and gauging how
far both parties may be able to keep together oil common
ground, the undersigned presented a memorandum
containing eight proposals as follows:—
1. To declare China’s resolve not to agree to the
proposed settlement of the Shantung questions decided
upon by the European Conference.
(Explanation) In the case of
diplomatic questions, the Government should always
express its resolute attitude in some appropriate manner
to the nations of the world in the form of a mandate or
communique or official note.
The present Shantung question is an issue which is of
vital importance to the existence of our nation. If we
fail to lodge a strong and appropriate protest now aside
from merely instructing our delegates not to sign the
Peace Treaty, we would not be in a position to remedy
the matter in the time to come.
2. To declare the invalidity of all covenants, pacts and
the like secretly entered into between China and Japan
and to severely punish all those directly engaged in or
responsible for the consummation of them.
(Explanation) The secret treaties
entered into between China and Japan are extremely
detrimental to the nation in that they encroach upon our
sovereign right and bring utter humiliation to our
country. They have never received parliamentary
approval. Their consummation has been brought about by
treasonable individuals who conspired in the admission
of privileged alien influences for their private gain
and to the detriment of the nation. Therefore, it is
only right to cancel these agreements and severely
punish those responsible for its [sic] contraction in order to appease the
nation.
3. To effect the immediate disbandment of the War
Participation Army, the National Defence Army and the
Frontier Defense Army.
(Explanation) These special
military organisations referred to above are the outcome
of the Sino-Japanese Military Pact,49 having for their bulwark the
special influence of a certain foreign nation and they
are bound to cause endless trouble in the future; hence,
the necessity of their disbandment.
[Page 348]
4. To remove the Tuchuns and Provincial Governors who by
their specially notorious maladministration proved
themselves unpopular and obnoxious to the people.
(Explanation) Those officials
whose actions have brought detriment and misery to the
people should have been removed by the Government
without repeated requests from the Peace Conference and
appeals from the people.
5. That the Peace Conference should issue an announcement
that the mandate issued by the former President Li
Yuan-Hung, on the 13th of the 6th month of the 6th year
of the Republic (1917)50 was
illegally issued and therefore invalid.
(Explanation) There being no
provision in the Provisional Constitution for the
dissolution of Parliament, a Mandate not based upon the
laws of the nation is unconstitutional and ultra vires and therefore, should
have no effect. Moreover, President Li Yuan-Hung issued
the said mandate under compulsion and he himself has
subsequently publicly avowed its illegality. Even Gen.
Chiang Chao-Chung, the Commander of the Peking Gendarmes who signed the said
mandate in the capacity of Acting Premier telegraphed
and confessed before the entire nation that the
procedure was unconstitutional. It naturally follows
that the said mandate should be declared null and void.
Furthermore, our diplomatic failures in the recent years
have been brought about since the dissolution of
Parliament. Following the first dissolution by Yuan
Shih-Kai (in the 2nd year of the Republic or 1913), the
famous (or infamous) Twenty-one demands and a secret
treaty between China and Japan were signed. Following
the second dissolution of Parliament by Li Yuan-Hung
(6th year of the Republic or 1917) a number of other
Sino-Japanese secret agreements were consummated. None
of these documents signing away national rights could
have been passed by Parliament but for its unfortunate
dissolution. Foreigners would not have dared even to
make an attempt at what they have now actually succeeded
in accomplishing. Under these circumstances, the people
were inevitably taught a lesson—to be firmly convinced
that the restoration of a Constitutional Parliament is
the most urgent necessity in our national salvation.
However, the Conference has refrained from taking up
this subject at the beginning for reasons of expediency,
in view of the European Conference being in session. It
would have been extremely disadvantageous to China as a
whole, if our Internal Peace Conference should come to
deadlock then on this parliamentary issue. The necessity
of this expediency has now passed. We are already
undeniably defeated at the world conference in all our
aims and hopes. Realizing at the same time that the root
of the failure lies in the absence of a Parliament, we,
therefore, insist upon its restoration. Because in this
measure alone lies the only thread of hope within reach
of ourselves for the annulment of all the iniquitous
covenants on the logical ground that they never received
the approval of the Parliament. The restoration of the
Parliament, therefore, [Page 349] should not be indefinitely deferred
for reasons of external as well as internal policy.
6. That a special Administrative Council be formed of men
of national distinction, selected and recommended by the
Conference for the purpose of superintending the
enforcement of the decisions of the Conference. The
formation of the Cabinet of the unified Government shall
be subject to the approval of this Council, which shall
be dissolved immediately upon convening of the
Parliament.
(Explanation) Before the Convening
of the National Assembly, a formal cabinet can not be
organised; hence, the necessity of this transitional
organ proposed here to tide over the period.
7. All questions whether already passed upon by the
Conference or referred to special committees for
investigation and other questions to be brought up
before the Conference shall be separately dealt with and
definitely settled.
(Explanation) This is the natural
procedure for settling all unfinished matters.
8. That the Conference officially recognise Mr. Hsu
Shih-Chang as the Provisional President of the Republic
for discharging the functions of that office until the
formal election by the Parliament of a permanent
successor. (This article will be given no effect until
or unless the previous seven are agreed to).
(Explanation) This momentous
sacrifice on the part of the South-west is prompted by
the spirit of mutual concession and by the earnest
desire for immediate unification of the country. It is
understood that Mr. Hsu Shih-Chang holds his position
contrary to the Constitution in not having been legally
elected.
The fore-going Articles together with the explanations
have been duly submitted by the undersigned at a Formal
session of the Internal Peace Conference on the 13th
Inst., together with the declaration that these
proposals represented the ultimate views (limit of
concession) on the part of the South-west. But the
Northern Delegation could not agree with any of them
with the exception of the first article, and was opposed
particularly to the fifth article, saying that it was
impossible for the North to accept this for discussion
and that if this could not be amended to their
satisfaction, the Northern Delegation would refuse to
discuss any of the rest. As a counterproposal, it was
suggested that the North would request the five
Provinces of the South-west to elect members to join the
new Parliament now sitting in Peking.
Thus, the North has revealed definitely its extreme
opposition to the Southern view point, in spite of our
willingness to concede to the very limit of our
possibility in order to realise an early peace. The 8
articles enumerated above indicate unmistakably this
conciliatory attitude on the part of the Constitutional
Government and the Provinces of the South-west as devoid
of any consideration of private interest and sectional
privileges. The Peking Government, on the other side,
has not shown the least inclination to change its policy
since the beginning of the Peace Conference. The
War-Participation Loan continues to be drawn upon and
squandered; the organisation of the War-Participation
Army, the National Defense [Page 350] Army and the Frontier Defense Army are
being pushed forward every day with the intention of
over-awing the South-west by military prowess as well as
alien influence; while the people remain down trodden by
a few military despots. To this very day, the Northern
Delegates treat our proposals for political reform and
for constitutional solution of the problems with utter
disregard. Under such circumstances, how can the Peace
Conference proceed? We are, thus, at the end of our
wits. Realizing our incapability of carrying on this
important work any longer, we have tendered our
resignation to the Constitutional Government at Canton
on the 14th Inst. Our resignation, however, is based
purely on personal reasons (as we deem ourselves
responsible for our failure in effecting a settlement),
and the Peace Conference itself is not to be disturbed
by our actions. The Constitutional Government will
decide as to the future policy and as to the appointment
of our successors. We respectfully submit the fore-going
report for your information, (signed) Tong Shao-yi,
Chang Shih-chao, Hu Han-ming, Miao Chia-shou, Tseng Yen,
Kuo Chun-shen, Liu Kwang-lieh, Wang Po-chun, Peng
Yun-yi, Yao Ming-Luen, Li Shih-ying.”
