763.72/12308: Telegram

The Ambassador in France ( Sharp ) to the Secretary of State

5924. Department’s number 6312, November 16th.13 Upon receipt of Department’s number [6263] November 9, 7 p.m.,14 I conferred with Colonel House upon the situation presented. We both thought that on account of Mr. Vesnitch’s, the Servian Minister’s, familiarity with the inside circles of the Jugo-Slav representatives in Paris, he might throw some light on the position which they would take towards Italy in the event of further aggressions by that country. By appointment I later saw Mr. Vesnitch. Going carefully over the situation, he seemed to think that it might produce grave consequences. While it is well to keep in mind that the Minister has always consistently distrusted Italy’s designs and looked upon her as a traditional enemy of Serbia and the Yugo-Slav people, yet to my surprise he for the first time intimated to me that he was also suspicious of the purposes of the Yugo-Slav[s] insofar as they concerned a future coalition or amalgamation with Serbia. He thought Mr. Trumbic, the London agent of the Yugo-Slavs, was too much under the influence of the British Government. He did not seem to think that Great Britain’s plans for the future development of the Yugo-Slavs were likely to be in entire harmony with those of Servia. He also thought that it was an imperative necessity that an American war ship should at once be sent into the upper Adriatic [Page 302] along the east coast. This, I learned through Admiral Benson, has already been done though here again the Admiral tells me he was compelled to raise an emphatic protest against the order of the Italian Admiral to the effect that only British war ships could proceed to those points.

This noon I had a long talk with Doctor Korosec, the official head of the Yugo-Slav movement and [slated] to be the president should the people declare in favor of a republican form of government. It is through him that all the Yugo-Slav representatives among the Allied Powers exercise authority. The doctor has been vainly trying to get out of Paris to proceed to the coast of Dalmatia for the ostensible purpose of preserving order among his people. The Italian Government refuses to allow him to cross Italian territory. He declared to me that he was practically interned in Paris and feared very serious consequences would follow in his country if he not permitted to return to it. We discussed fully the pretensions of his people as to future territorial rights. Consulting maps of Austria and Hungary, the doctor drew a line extending down to Serbia and Montenegro, the extreme west point and beginning of which extended over to about twelve and one-half degrees of longitude in the western portion of Carinthia and then extending eastward in an undulating line hugging the 47th parallel of latitude clear across Carinthia, Styria, across the western portion of Hungary, thenceforth in a southwesterly [southeasterly?] direction bordering on Switzerland western [Hungary west?] of Lake Balaton continuing south and eastward down across the 46th parallel to the western border of Transylvania and thenceforth down to the northern boundary of Servia. To the southwest this new state was to include all that territory to the Adriatic and along its eastern coast down to Montenegro, embracing Croatia, Dalmatia, and Bosnia. Trieste was included in this program.

When I asked the doctor where the capital was to be located he replied that the present plans contemplated the city of Agram in northwestern Croatia, but he added that if a union with Servia was made Belgrade might be finally chosen as the capital of a nation composed of all the Yugo-Slavic people. He estimated that Servia contained four million of these, Montenegro a half million and the Yugo-Slav territory seven million. Like Doctor Trumbic, Doctor Korosec strongly denounced the London treaty of 1915 by which Italy was promised such valuable concessions of territorial rights on the east shores of the Adriatic. After talking with these representatives of the Yugo-Slavs, and I have met many delegations of them on different occasions, I am forced to the conclusion that preponderating as they are in numbers over a large section of territory, above described, [Page 303] their aim is for the establishment of a republic and that secretly they do not care to be tied to the fortunes of Servia. They are intensely bitter towards the Italians and claim that it was due to the internal rebellion of the Yugo-Slav people in Austria-Hungary that finally forced her collapse. Only the moderation and forbearance of Italy in my judgment will avoid serious conflicts between these peoples. While one should prudently discount to some extent the claims of these Yugo-Slav representatives, for they are here to plead before the coming conference for the most enlarged recognition possible, yet among all the Allied differences that are to come to the surface from now on, I think this situation presented by the Yugo-Slav, Italian controversies is the most vexatious.

That I might give the French point of view on this question I saw Mr. Pichon this evening and secured from him the encroachment [statement?] of his opinion as well as what attitude he thought the other Allied powers should take. He said that the Yugo-Slav representatives had given him the greatest trouble. He did not [think?] the Yugo-Slav people could be recognized as a nation until after the terms of the armistice had been concluded, that while he was in favor of their ultimate recognition yet it would be a matter which would necessarily have to be discussed at the coming conference. While cautious in reference to the position taken by Italy, he deplored the fact that that Government was taking such a course towards the Yugo-Slavs as to inevitably bring on trouble. He hoped that Italy would not persist in carrying out any acts of aggression until all rights could be finally and justly determined.

I am strongly of the opinion that our government should unite with England and France in making urgent representations to Italy that consequences might [not?] result in further activities of Italian arms on territory the possession of which is disputed by the Yugo-Slavs.

Sharp