File No. 763.72/7424

The Chargé in Switzerland ( Wilson) to the Secretary of State

No. 1514

Sir: In continuation of my despatch of the 24th of September last, No. 1461,1 I have the honor to report to the Department herewith a résumé of the political movements in the German Empire and Austria-Hungary during the week, September 23–30.

Vaterlands Partei

Knowledge of the activity of the Vaterlands Partei has been gained rather by the opposition which it has aroused and the bitter [Page 251] attacks which it has brought on itself, than by the propaganda of the party itself. Some two weeks ago Admiral Tirpitz was reported to be active in the organization and development of this new party but it was not until during the past week that the frightened tone of the moderate press throughout Germany showed that the development of the party had reached such an extent as to cause uneasiness to the Majority of the Reichstag.

The Vaterlands Partei has now come out more definitely with a statement of its policies. It endeavors to render itself independent of other political groups! in so far as regards internal policies of the Empire, in fact, its manifesto stated that its members may hold any opinion they consider advisable on such matters. It claims for its object the desire to unite the German people against the common foe and implores them “not to wrangle about setting the house in order while it is afire.” From the tone of its statements, and the fact that the party is under apparently the direct guidance of Von Tirpitz, it is clear what political character can be attributed to it. In fact, at a mass meeting on the 25th of September, it revealed the cloven hoof of annexionist tendencies in characterizing Belgium as a British bridgehead, and asserted, in the most approved Pan-German fashion, that a peace without indemnities for Germany would be the abdication of Germany as a world power and a victory for Anglo-American venality. The relationship between the Vaterlands Partei and the Pan-Germans can be seen in the fact that the latter used the same argument to obtain annexionist concessions from the Government on the basis that the farmers were slow to take up the new loans fearing that the Reichstag measures on these projects would tend to ruin Germany economically.

The newly organized party has made use of every means of propaganda, employing the means already at the disposal of the Pan-German party and intellectual and religious circles, in an endeavor to weld together the warring factions on the basis of domestic peace.

The Social Democrats have bitterly attacked the Vaterlands Partei in the Vorwärts, and throughout the Empire meetings of protest have been held against this new agency of the Eight. In spite of this, however, the party seems to be gaining by leaps and bounds.

Other Parliamentary Organizations

The Conservative Party has declared itself opposed to parliamentarization, both in the meeting of its Central Committee and in the Committee for Constitutional Reform in the Reichstag, which meets under the presidency of Scheidemann.

The Central Committee of the National Liberal Party, by a very narrow margin, voted against the “continued accentuation to Germany’s [Page 252] will to peace.” This vote appears to have split the party although no direct results are as yet observable. Predictions are to the effect that the National Liberal Party is seeking to get into touch with the Eight and is slowly drifting away from the Majority side.

An announcement of unusual importance seems to have been made in to-day’s press in the report that the Central Committee (the Committee of Fifteen of the Reichstag) has been dissolved. This committee was to have been the starting point for a democratic participation in the Government. No comment in the press has as yet been published, but it is safe to consider this instance as more than a straw which shows the way the wind is blowing, when taken in connection with the Vaterlands Partei and the split in the National Liberal Party. The Committee for Constitutional Reform in the Reichstag has adjourned because of the uncertain position of the Center. It now seems to require the rosiest of spectacles to see any evidence of the progress of parliamentary reform in the Reichstag.

The battle between the Left and Right in the Reichstag and elsewhere is fast coming to a crisis. The Right is emphasizing the capture of Riga and the checks of the Allies on the Italian and Flanders fronts. The Conservative press seems to be bitterly disappointed in the Chancellor and would like to see the dissolution of the Reichstag and a new election. This is perhaps based on the fact that it feels that its existence is at stake, and in the present popularity of the Pan-German ideals it is willing to stake its life on one throw in a new election, hoping to gain entire control of the Reichstag through its domination of the rural sections by the Junker party. Even the growing concern over the economic situation which is everywhere visible in the pleas for subscriptions to the new war loan, was adroitly turned by the Conservative element to its political favor. By means of the Hindenburg telegram announcing the over-sufficiency of Germany’s economic and military reserves, the Conservatives gained rather than lost by the agitation over economic conditions. In this connection it must be borne in mind that Hindenburg always speaks ex cathedra and that his word on any question is sufficient to put the people in a state of contented trust.

The opening day of the Reichstag contained only the speech of President Kämpf, who attacked President Wilson bitterly for the latter’s answer to the Pope. It seems to be the general impression that Germany’s answer to the papal note, inasmuch as it was written with the cooperation of the Reichstag, was an answer to President Wilson rather than to the Pope, since it is believed in Germany that it shows the democratization of Germany and that it embodies President Wilson’s own suggestions in principle.

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Answer of Central Powers

I know of no instance in which the press either in Germany or Austria-Hungary attacked the answer of these two countries to the Pope’s plea for peace. The alignment has been generally what would be expected. The extreme Left thinks the answers were not explicit enough in their statements regarding Belgium but considers that by the acquiescence to the Pope’s ideas the restoration of that state is implied. As intimated in the vote of the National Liberal Party and the split in the ranks of that organization, which I have mentioned above, the Right feels that the notes indicate a too great desire for peace and they would prefer to see more emphasis laid on the compensatory value of the German conquests. Erzberger’s organ, Germania, is fully satisfied with the note. The press unanimously holds the opinion that the notes with their advocacy of the rights of nations show the pacific nature of the Governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary. It is curious to see, however, that the Cologne Gazette, in accordance with the developing tendency of the Conservatives to maintain a strong aggressive policy, considers the note too pacific.

Attacks against Erzberger have been initiated by the Kreuzzeitung which accused him of treason for revelations which he is alleged to have made in a speech at Biberach. As none of his speeches, however, have been reported uncensored, it is impossible to know on what it was based.

Austria-Hungary

The Reichsrat was opened by a speech from Von Seidler in which the new Minister President sketched his internal policy for the Empire and hinted at the interstate autonomy for all nationalities in Austria. All parties seem to have approved his “cool optimism and sound economic knowledge,” but the radical Left appears doubtful of his ability to carry out the program.

Continued rumors of Czernin’s enforced retirement because he is too German in his feelings and of his replacement by a politician of more anti-German complexion, seem to show that the tension between Germany and Austria-Hungary is growing ever more strained.

Poland and Lithuania

The Polish press bureau reports that the projects of the Polish Government meet with the highest approval in Polish public opinion in Austria and Germany. Since, however, the Polish press bureau is entirely under the domination of the Government, no real opinions [Page 254] from the Polish people as to this farcical liberty which has been offered them, have yet appeared.

The German promises of Lithuanian liberty and autonomy brought about the convocation of the Lithuanian Diet which is dominated by the German landowners and of which the “marshal” is a German landowner. Pan-Germanists, however, always true to type, protest bitterly against such illusory liberties as have been accorded.

Asquith’s Speech

Comments of the press on Mr. Asquith’s speech seem to bear out what I have maintained above, namely, the growing strength of the Conservative Party. Even the Vorwärts reiterates that Germany will give up none of its territory until it is hopelessly beaten. The Centrist Germania believes that the speech is a sign of peace but thinks that peace is yet far off. It is generally believed that Mr. Asquith was speaking in an endeavor to bring about a reply from Germany as to the latter’s peace conditions. Nowhere does the speech meet with a cordial reception.

I have [etc.]

Hugh R. Wilson
  1. Not printed.