File No. 893.00/2387
Minister Reinsch to
the Secretary of State
No. 1015
American Legation,
Peking,
April 4, 1916.
Sir: In continuation of my despatch No. 989 of
March 21, 1916, I have the honor to report on the general political
situation and to enclose copies of despatches from various consular
officers in China.1
There is also enclosed a translation of the mandate, published in the Peking Gazette, March 23, 1916, cancelling the
monarchy, as well as clippings from the Peking
Gazette, March 23 and 27, 1916,2 dealing with the situation in China and local
conditions in Peking.
Being confronted with the defection of Kwangsi province, H. E. Yuan
Shih-kai announced, on March 22, that the measures preparatory to the
establishment of the monarchy had been canceled and that the petition
papers submitted through the Ts’an Chengyuan should be returned to that
body to be forwarded to the petitioners for destruction.
This sudden and unilateral concession on the part of the President,
without a guaranteed quid pro quo by way of
submission to the Central Government on the part of the revolting
forces, came as a surprise. It was due undoubtedly to the fear that
unless such a step were taken the Province of Kwangtung also would join
the revolutionaries. The military governor of the province had strongly
advised the Central Government to compromise. Another determining cause
was the advice of the State Secretary, H. E. Hsü Shih-chang, who had for
some time been in retirement. The so-called Anhui party in Peking saw an
opportunity to regain control and oust the Cantonese leaders in whose
hands the management of the monarchical movement and the chief influence
in the Government had been since last August. The President believed
that the return to the Government of such men as Hsu Shih-chang
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and Tuan Chi-jui would greatly
strengthen him and would in the eyes of the revolutionists constitute
that guaranty of good faith which the circumstances required.
It is interesting and paradoxal that the leaders of the so-called Anhui
party, who are old fashioned and reactionary and who have little idea of
constructive action and modern efficiency, should again come back into
prominence in connection with the restoration of the Republic. This goes
to show to what a small extent constitutional questions are really
determinants in the present controversy. H. E. Hsu Shih-chang,
personally, has lived in accordance with all the canons of Confucian
morality in failing to give positive approval to the action of H. E.
Yuan Shih-kai in attempting to take the place of his former master, the
Emperor. This attitude gained for him universal respect in China, but
its impelling motive was one of personal loyalty to the old Imperial
family rather than attachment to any particular form of government.
As might have been anticipated, the cancellation of the monarchy did not
satisfy the revolutionists who interpreted it as a confession of
weakness and defeat; nor, of course, was it welcome to the adherents of
the President in the provinces, especially the military who felt that he
was giving away his case without getting anything in return. The report
that the President, simultaneously with the cancellation of the
monarchy, sent a comforting message to the chief generals stating that
they should not take this too seriously, is undoubtedly a
fabrication.
The result was that the President’s act of renunciation of the monarchy
had no favorable effect on the situation from the point of view of the
Central Government. There seems, indeed, to have been a lull in the
active fighting in the Provinces of Szechuan and Hunan where the
military leaders appear to be sitting down to await developments and to
think things over. But the dry-rot of authority continues, and small
military leaders in Kwangtung declared their independence, as at
Chowchowfu, Swatow, Pakhoi, and some towns in its vicinity. The
importance of this latter movement lies in the fact that the
revolutionaries have now obtained access to the seaboard, which renders
easier the supply of war materials and which has a distinct bearing on
the eventual recognition of belligerency.
A certain amount of disorganization has prevailed in government circles
in Peking since the monarchy was cancelled. The uncertainty as to what
the President would do filled the official world with apprehension while
the foreign community feared military riots in case Yuan Shih-kai should
lose or give up control entirely. The leaders of the so-called Anhui
party had evidently expected that it would be easy for them to proscribe
the Cantonese leaders and have them banished or executed. The principal
men among these are their excellencies Liang Shih-yi, Chow Tze-chi,
Minister of Agriculture and Commerce and Chu Chi-chien, Minister of the
Interior. Yang Tu, an organizer of the Chou An Hui whose execution had
been called for by the revolutionaries, is defended as having been only
the instrument in the hands of other men. The Cantonese leaders have
impressed the foreign representatives here, and, in fact, have proven
themselves to be men of real capacity for organization and personal
efficiency. They had not originally been active in the
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monarchical movement but had taken it out of
the hands of others and pushed it with energy and success until foreign
interference changed the course of events. Contrary to the expectations
of their opponents they did not at the present critical time take to the
woods, with the result that somewhat to their amusement the men of the
other party became frightened and began to remove their families from
Peking and to plan for places of safety for themselves. With somewhat
grim humor, his excellency Chu Chi-chien declared that as conditions in
Peking were perfectly normal and as any unwarranted show of nervousness
on the part of officials would tend unnecessarily to disturb the
population, officials would no longer be permitted to remove their
families from the city at the present time.
With regard to the eventual solution of the existing difficulties and the
restoration of national unity, the principle indicated in my last
despatches still holds good, namely, that some organization will have to
be effected in central China among the military governors and prominent
political leaders for the purpose of establishing a policy on which all
factions can unite. As the leaders in the three revolted southern
provinces are mainly members of the old Chin Pu Tang, it is possible
that the Kuo Min Tang may find it attractive to bring forward some
policy of action which will make the reconstitution of the central
authority and the unifaction of the country possible.
I have [etc.]
[Inclosure]
the cancellation of the empire
(From the Peking Gazette of
March 23, 1916)
After the establishment of the Min Kuo, disturbances rapidly followed
one another; and a man of little virtue like me was called to take
up the vast burden of the State. Fearing that disaster might befall
us any day, all those who had the welfare of the country at heart
advocated the reinstitution of the monarchical system of government
to the end that a stop be put to all strife for power and a régime
of peace be inaugurated. Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly
been made to me since the days of Kuei Chou (the year of the First
Revolution, 1911) and each time a sharp rebuke has been administered
to the one making the suggestion. But the situation last year was
indeed so different from the circumstances of preceding years that
it was impossible to prevent the spread of such ideas.
It was said that China could never hope to continue as a nation
unless the constitutional monarchical form of state were adopted;
and if quarrels like those occurring in Mexico and Portugal were to
take place in China, we would soon share the fate of Annam and
Burmah. A large number of people then advocated the restoration of a
monarchy and advanced arguments which were reasonable. In this
proposal all the military and civil officials, scholars and people
concurred; and prayers were addressed to me in most earnest tone, by
telegram and petitions. Owing to the position I was at the time
holding, which laid on me the duty of maintaining the then existing
situation, I repeatedly made declarations, resisting the adoption of
the advice; but the people did not seem to realize my embarrassment.
And so it was decided by the acting Li Fa
Yuan that the question of Kuo-ti
should be settled by the Convention of Citizens’ Representatives. In
the result, the representatives of the provinces and the special
administrative areas unanimously decided in favor of a
constitutional monarchy, and in one united voice elected me as the
Emperor. Since the sovereignty of the country has been vested in the
citizens of China and as the decision was made by the entire body of
the representatives, there was no room left to me for further
discussion. Nevertheless, I continued to be of
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the conviction that my sudden elevation
to the Great Seat would be a violation of my oath and would
compromise my good faith, leaving me unable to explain myself I,
therefore, declined in earnest words in order to make clear the view
which hath always been mine. The said Yuan, however, stated with
firmness that the oath of the Chief Executive rested on a peculiar
sanction and should be observed or discarded according to the will
of the people. Their arguments were so irresistible that there was,
in truth, no excuse for me further to decline the offer.
Therefore I took refuge behind the excuse of “preparations” in order
that the desire of the people might be satisfied. But I took no
steps actually to carry out the programme. When the trouble in
Yunnan and Kweichow arose, a mandate was officially issued
announcing the decision to postpone the measure and forbidding
further presentation of petitions praying for the enthronement. I
then hastened the convocation of the Li Fa
Yuan in order to secure the views of that body and hoping
thus to turn back to the original state of affairs. I, being a man
of bitter experiences, had once given up all ideas of world affairs;
and having retired into the obscurity of the river Yuan (in Honan),
I had no appetite for the political affairs of the country. As the
result of the revolution in Hsin Hai, I was by mistake elected by
the people. Reluctantly I came out of my retirement and endeavoured
to prop up the tottering structure. I cared for nothing but the
salvation of the country. A perusal of our history of several
thousand years will reveal in vivid manner the sad fate of the
descendants of ancient kings and emperors. What then could have
prompted me to aspire to the Throne? Yet, while the representatives
of the people were unwilling to believe in the sincerity of my
refusal of the offer, a section of the people appear to have
suspected me of harboring the desire of gaining more power and
privileges. Such difference in thought has resulted in the creation
of an exceedingly dangerous situation. As my sincerity has not been
such as to win the hearts of the people and my judgment has not been
sound enough to appraise every man, I have myself alone to blame for
lack of virtue. Why then should I blame others? The people have been
thrown into misery and my soldiers have been made to bear hardships;
and further the people have been cast into panic and commerce has
rapidly declined. When I search my own heart a measure of sorrow
fills it. I shall, therefore, not be unwilling to suppress myself in
order to yield to others.
I am still of the opinion that the “designation petitions” submitted
through the Tsan Cheng Yuan are unsuited to
the demands of the time; and the official acceptance of the Imperial
Throne made on the 11th day of the 12th month of last year is hereby
cancelled. The “designation petitions” of the provinces and the
special administrative areas are hereby all returned through the
State Department to the Tsan Cheng Yuan, i.
e., the acting Li Fa Yuan, to be forwarded to
the petitioners for destruction; and all the preparations connected
therewith are to cease at once. In this wise I hope to imitate the
sincerity of the Ancients by taking on myself all the blame, so that
my action may fall in line with the spirit of humanity which is the
expression of the will of Heaven. I now cleanse my heart and wash my
thoughts to the end that trouble may be averted and the people may
have peace. Those who advocated the monarchical system were prompted
by the desire to strengthen the foundation of the country; but as
their methods have proved unsuitable their patriotism might harm the
country. Those who have opposed the monarchy have done so out of
their desire to express their political views. It may be therefore
presumed that they would not go to the extreme and so endanger the
country. They should, therefore, all hearken to the voice of their
own conscience and sacrifice their prejudices, and with one mind and
one purpose unite in the effort of saving the situation so that the
glorious descendants of the Sacred Continent may be spared the
horror of internal fight and the bad omens may be changed into lucky
signs.
In brief, I now confess that all the faults of the country are the
result of my own faults. Now that the acceptance of the Imperial
Throne has been cancelled every man will be responsible for his own
action if he further disturbs the peace of the locality and thus
give an opportunity to others. I, the Great President, being charged
with the duty of ruling over the whole country, cannot remain idle
while the country is racing to perdition. At the present moment the
homesteads are in misery, discipline has been disregarded,
administration is being neglected and real talents have not been
given a chance,
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When I think
of such conditions I awake in the darkness of midnight. How can we
stand as a nation if such a state of affairs is allowed to continue?
Hereafter all officials should thoroughly get rid of their corrupt
habits and endeavour to achieve merits. They should work with might
and main in their duties, whether introducing reforms or abolishing
old corruptions. Let all be not satisfied with empty words and
entertain no bias regarding any affair. They should hold up as their
main principle of administration the policy that only reality will
count and reward or punishment dealt out with strict promptness. Let
our generals, officials, soldiers and people all, all, act in
accordance with this ideal.
