763.72/9009½
The Ambassador in France (Sharp) to the Secretary of State
[Received March 6.]
My Dear Mr. Lansing: Since receiving the Department’s telegram of January 12th.68 calling for weekly reports upon general conditions existing in France, I have been impressed with the thought that I ought to write you setting forth some fundamental facts underlying those conditions, that a more intelligent understanding of those reports may be had. I have preferred to put this communication in the form of a personal letter to you rather than that of an official despatch, even though I realize from my own experience during these busy days that sometimes such letters—especially long ones—look very formidable and uninviting.
Naturally, the weekly reports will only come to have any significance as events over here vary from time to time.
Incidentally, let me take this occasion to explain, referring to your telegram N° 3171 of the 12th. instant,68 that in making my report in my N° 313668 concerning the aeroplane raid, and the rather full comment thereon, I, of course, had not in mind to point out its military importance which, as you say, would not have justified the space given it, but the marked influence which it had upon the public mind in giving it new resolve to prosecute the war with greater vigor.
As a matter of fact there are certain outstanding conditions which, in so far as they affect France herself or her attitude toward America, will not change with the week. If I write with considerable conviction in setting forth some of my observations, it is because, with no affectation of conceit, I trust, my position here has been of such a nature that few if any men have had the opportunity to meet and talk with more people from all over Europe prominent in public and private life than myself. The geographical as well as political position of Paris has made it a Mecca for nearly everybody having a mission.
Whatever particular phase passing events may give to political conditions in France, thus far, one must above all recognize that her determination to resist the enemy—indeed, to win the war if possible—has never been questioned. The courage and sacrifice with which she has prosecuted that determination are also conceded.
While it is undeniably true that occasionally, after some check in her military operations resulting in a heavy loss of men, or the discouraging fact of enemy victories on other fronts, there has come [Page 100] a feeling of discouragement, yet the rebound has always been strong and splendid. Perhaps owing to a combination of the causes just mentioned, with unfavorable domestic conditions like labor troubles, the morale of France was the most shaken just preceding the arrival of the American troops in June of last year, but like some magic tonic, with their arrival came a revival in confidence and in the fighting spirit of France which from that moment right up to the present has not diminished.
I am sure that you have from time to time read, particularly in the American press, exaggerated stories of the weakening of the morale of France. Rumors without much foundation have been crystallized by such writers into facts portentous of very great consequences to the country. One on our shores must have gotten the impression growing out of disclosures in the Bolo and Caillaux affairs that the upper crust of French politics is wholly corrupt; and that former Ministers must have deliberately shielded powerful wrong doers. Yet it is my opinion that, as a matter of fact, no one of the belligerent Powers has been more conservative, more united, or more efficient than France, considering all the difficulties to be encountered. And yet none of the larger countries has suffered as much as she.
The devotion to country seems to be an attribute as innate to every Frenchman, whether of high or low degree, as is his temperament. All have suffered terribly in the loss of their sons. But a hundred of such bereaved fathers have told me that they gloried in the sacrifice. This feeling, if it were not so ideal and exalted in character, might be called almost fanatical.
Mr. Delcassé, Minister for Foreign Affairs in my early days in Paris, once told me that upon the walls of his schoolroom when a boy was placed the motto adjuring the reverence for family ties, but above family and everything else devotion to country. That motto is as a flaming sign in the clouds for every Frenchman. It has brought to his children a training and sense of duty ideal, and has made his patriotism superb. Imbued with such feelings and in the recognition of such obligations to their country, the people of France may be depended upon to carry out their part, regardless of sacrifice, to advance the common cause of their Allies. At the present moment, even in the face of the long threatened attack of the German forces, the morale of this country is perhaps better than it has been at any time since the beginning of the war.
Such, I believe, is the situation to-day as regards her dependability, which is so important to the Allied Armies because it is upon her soil alone that they can and must fight. All reports from time to time, therefore, will recognize this situation.
[Page 101]In view of Department’s instructions to which reference has been made, one other factor may be considered which I am certain is as unvarying in its nature as the loyalty of France to herself—I refer to her relations to America. It may be affirmed without any qualification that, since the day of our entrance into the war, France has not only looked upon America as her special friend but she has recognized in her help the one aid without which the cause of the Allies must have failed. With an affection and confidence unlimited, the French people as well as the Government have manifested the greatest concern to please us, and have shown the greatest deference to the views of President Wilson. Although political factions wage bitter controversies between themselves, yet, singularly enough, they unite in pronouncing President Wilson as the particular champion of their Articles of Faith and the exponent of their views. Such a situation is highly important at the present time because of the renewed efforts which the Socialist Groups are making to discredit the present Ministry and which, if successful, might have an important bearing upon the conduct of the war itself.
Naturally, it also gives to the President a very great power and influence in moulding the views of the Allies, particularly as they affect the position of France.
The many anxious enquiries which I have received from members of the Ministry, as well as those of the Parliament, as to what more France can do to show her welcome to our American soldiers, are pathetic in their solicitude. Their gratitude, amounting to almost reverence, which they show to our people testifies to the absolute confidence which they repose in our promises and aims.
In making these general observations, bearing, as it will be noted, upon the two fundamentally important facts—the solidarity of France and her attitude toward America—I have ignored making reference to various rumors which, though seemingly qualifying my statements, nevertheless, in my opinion, merit but little weight. The temptation to generalize from single instances often leads to conclusions which are at entire variance with the real situation. That, here and there, there have been instances of some friction between the French people and some of our workers, either civil or military, of overcharging on the part of French storekeepers, or of complaints of dilatoriness on the part of French officials, is doubtless true, but France is at war and was sorely tried for nearly three years before we entered into it. Indeed, the marvel to me is that she has through it all been able to play so well such an important part.
If I ventured upon the role of a prophet—and in these days of rapid change one man’s prophecy is as good as another’s—I would say [Page 102] that in the telegraphic weekly reports which are to follow, the political conditions of France would be affected almost solely by the conduct of the Socialists. Unfortunately, the prosecution of Caillaux and Malvy, with their past powerful political connections, must be taken into account in adding new elements of a very probable disquieting nature, however meritorious may be those prosecutions or however great the guilt of the accused.
In considering the economic features to be embraced in such a report, undoubtedly labor conditions and food supplies—the latter depending upon the ever pressing tonnage question—will have to be most frequently considered.
Commercial questions, both by the policy of our country in limiting exports and the same policy practised by the French Government—again so greatly dependent upon the tonnage question—must be of minor importance in such reports.
In concluding, let me say that I hope, in my observations of such a very general nature, that I may have acquainted you in such a manner with the situation existing here that my letter will serve in some measure as an elucidation of what my telegraphic reports, necessarily and desirably brief, may set forth.
With my kindest regards [etc.]