File No. 822.00/210.]
The Chargé d’Affaires of Ecuador to the Secretary of State .
Washington , January 18, 1912 .
Honorable Secretary of State: I believe it is my duty to lay before your excellency some facts relating to the present political situation in my country and to relieve the United States Government of any unusual anxiety regarding the life and property of American citizens in Ecuador.
Your excellency is aware that on the 22nd of December last Mr. Emilio Estrada, Constitutional President of Ecuador, died at Guayaquil, and that, following the provisions of the Constitution, he was succeeded in the Executive functions by Dr. Carlos Freile Zaldumbide, President of the Chamber of Senate. Mr. Freile Zaldumbide, in accordance with the Constitution, called for elections that should have taken place on the 28th, 29th, 30th and 31st of this month.
On the 28th of December General Pedro Montero, Commander of the Third Military Zone, revolted against the Constitutional Government, [Page 395] at Guayaquil, and proclaimed himself Provisional Supreme Chief of Ecuador, pending the arrival of General Flavio Alfaro, in favor of whom, it is said, this political movement has been made.1
The action of General Montero is entirely unjustified. Barely thirty days were to elapse when he and his partisans could have had constitutionally elected General Flavio Alfaro, or anybody else. No reasons were given for such an outrage, that is costing and will cost the credit of the country and enormous losses involved in war expenses, damage of crops, paralysis of labor, and the sequel of indemnities that the nation will have to face eventually. It has been simply an assault which nobody could ever have expected. General Montero only a few months before, in August last, had given evidence of his respect for the Constitution by refusing support to the dictatorial tendencies of his intimate friend and mate General Eloy Alfaro, former President, in his attempt to proclaim himself Supreme Chief, and by standing with the army of his command by the people. The present Government could not suspect General Montero of treason, therefore continued him in the command of the Third Military Zone.
General Flavio Alfaro, who in August last acknowledged and advised his followers to acknowledge the legitimate Government of President Estrada and then voluntarily exiled himself, and General Eloy Alfaro, former President, who resigned in August also after promising the Diplomatic Corps in Quito, who had shielded him from the vengeance of the populace, not to take any further part in the politics of the country, are both back in Guayaquil, and it is said that both are taking active part in the work of the mutineers.
To show how far General Eloy Alfaro is a prime mover in the action of General Montero, I beg to refer to the request that my Government sent through the American Minister in Quito shortly after Mr. Estrada’s death, to prevent any breach of neutrality in the Canal Zone. It was reported that he was planning to ship war materials to help the overthrowing of the Government of Ecuador.
As to General Flavio Alfaro, his appointment as Provisional President by General Montero2 is quite sufficient to prove that he is greatly responsible for the actual conditions in my country.
The Province of Esmeraldas, probably the city of Esmeraldas only, far away from the port of Guayaquil and only accessible by sea, and where there was a very small garrison, proclaimed itself for General Flavio Alfaro a few days before the coup of General Montero; which fact shows conclusively that some understanding existed between them.
General Montero holds Guayaquil, where he revolted, and most likely the city of Babahoyo, capital of the Province of Los Rios, has also been “proclaimed.” Outside of Guayaquil, Riobamba, Cuenca and Quito, no regular troops were stationed in any town, so that it is an easy matter to “pronounce” or to subdue a few other towns and villages. In all, General Montero may now control Guayaquil, Babahoyo, and Esmeraldas. Guayaquil and Babahoyo are in direct communication by the river Guayas, but Esmeraldas is so distant [Page 396] from Guayaquil that it is practically impossible for the revolutioneers to run any kind of Government in said town.
The Constitutional Government is in full control of the Provinces of Carchi, Imbabura, Pichincha, Leon, Tungurahua, Chimborazo, Bolivar, Cana, Azuay, Loja, and probably of Manabí and Oro also, and in all probabilities they will all remain loyal under their constitutional rights. The Government has not expressed even sympathy for any candidate in the elections; in fact it did not even have time to do anything else than call for general and free elections according to the Constitution.
It is well to point out that in this revolution only soldiers have taken part. Not even a minimum portion of the people has joined the mutineers and no grievances of any kind have been put forth. The people of Guayaquil, Babahoyo, and Esmeraldas, at the mercy of the soldiers, have been obliged to accept whatever has happened.
I understand that your excellency is anxious about the conditions regarding the railway between Durán and the interior, property of an American company. I have no official news as to anything that might lead to understand that the property is in danger of damage. As to the part of the line that is within the portion of the country under the control of the Constitutional Government, I can assure your excellency that not only it is not exposed to any damage but that it is amply protected, and that all transportation services and others will be promptly paid. In regard to the line located in the part of the country where the troops of General Montero are stationed, I do not think that any damage will be done willingly.
I have been informed extra-officially of the destruction of a bridge, and this may have been done by the revolutionists. However outrageous the move of General Montero and Generals Alfaro may be, I do not believe that they will injure in any way the property of any foreign citizen or corporation.
Whatever legitimate claim the Company might eventually have against the country for loss or interruption of business, incidental damages or others, the country will pay, as it has always paid. As a consequence of the last revolution of 1906, promoted also by General Eloy Alfaro, the Guayaquil & Quito Railway Company filed a claim amounting to $85,000, and this was promptly paid. No action of your excellency’s Government was necessary.
Ecuador has always made good any and all legitimate claims of foreigners, never having given cause [for] the intervention of any foreign power. The country well understands that it is directly responsible for the life and property of foreign citizens, and it has always been its policy to protect them and make good any and every justified claim.
The line between Durán and the interior affords the only practicable way of conveying troops. The Government will have to transport its troops on the line and will pay, in conformity with its contract with the company, the proper fares. It would greatly assist the action of the Government in repressing the revolution if General Montero and his soldiers were not permitted to use the line, its rolling material, etc.; but not even for that purpose would I ask your excellency’s Government for any interference in the shape of a drastic action to put the property of the Guayaquil & Quito Railway Company under direct protection of a foreign force.
[Page 397]Personally I am a good and sincere friend of the United States and the Government that I represent has the same good feeling towards this country and its Government, and I know that any action on your excellency’s part to intervene in this matter, other than in a moral way, might be looked upon, not only in Ecuador but in all South America, as contradictory to your excellency’s policy of respecting and always having respected the autonomy of the sister Republics.
The Constitutional Government of Ecuador will, certainly, overpower the revolution. It is standing for no particular man or party, and it is only sustaining the constitutional rights against a military coup.
It is the policy of your excellency’s Government to support in any case and at all events the constitutional rights of all countries, and I am positive that in this particular case all the sympathies of the United States are for the Constitutional Government of Ecuador, which has done nothing to justify, even in appearance, any revolt.
While I acknowledge the perfect right that your excellency has to be absolutely assured as to the protection that American citizens and their property should receive from any civilized country, I strongly appeal to your so well-known good feelings towards South America in general, begging you to instruct your representatives in Ecuador to avoid all drastic actions. These might be misunderstood and lead to a disagreeable state of affairs for the Constitutional Government. The revolutionists themselves might spread the false news that the Constitutional Government had sought for American intervention, and raise in the country an unjustified ill feeling against both the United States and the Constitutional Government, and cause an endless struggle the consequences of which can not be foreseen.
I am positive your excellency will approve of my frank exposition, and that the people and Government of Ecuador will have one more reason for appreciating the proceedings of the United States on behalf of closer and friendlier relations with one of the sister countries of the American continent.
Accept [etc.]