Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, With the Annual Message of the President, Transmitted to Congress, December 4, 1893
Mr. Thompson to Mr. Gresham.
Petropolis, November 10, 1893. (Received December 18.)
Sir: I transmit herewith a short résumé of historical events and of the causes bearing upon the present revolution in Brazil. The data were gathered from various sources, and were prepared with the hope that it will be of assistance in the determination of questions arising here.
I have, etc.,
report upon the causes of the revolution.
The fall of the Empire and the proclamation of the Republic took place on the 15th of November, 1889. This result was brought about by means of the united action of the people, sustained by the army and navy. Marshal Deodoro Fonseca was acclaimed provisional president, and he at once set about establishing a firm government, being greatly aided by Col. Benjamin Constant, to whom most Brazilians seem now to give greatest credit for the success of the revolution. A general election for deputies and seuators from the respective States (provinces) to form the [Page 69] first congress was ordered, and in due time 265 members were chosen, representing all of Brazil. This congress, after much debate and the careful consideration of every article, on the 24th of February, 1891, adopted a federal constitution, with certain temporary articles attached. The constitution is modeled principally by those of the United States of America, Chile, and Switzerland, and is liberal. As soon as this was done, in obedience to one of temporary articles, which declares that the first President and Vice-President shall be elected by Congress, an election was held and Deodoro Fonseca was chosen President and Floriano Peixoto Vice-President for the first term, which ends on the 15th of November, 1894. After much contention with the congress which had elected him, President Deodoro, on the 3d of November, 1891, dissolved that body and ordered a new election for March of the following year.
On the 23d of the same month the army, navy, and a majority of the expelled congressmen combined and forced the abdication of President Deodoro in order, as they declared, to vindicate the law and the constitution, and Floriano Peixoto, the Vice-President, succeeded according to the constitution. Deodoro, supported neither by the people, army, or navy, was obliged to accede to the demands of the revolution, and, being in a wretched state of health, died soon afterwards. In the meantime the provinces had respectively adopted their state constitutions and elected governors, and during the twenty days of his dictatorship most of them had given their adherence to Deodoro Fonseca. When Floriano Peixoto was firmly seated, however, by the advice of his cabinet, the most active of whom was Admiral José Custodio de Mello, his minister of marine, who is chief of the present naval revolt, the people of the states were incited to depose their governors, and, with the aid of newly appointed local officers, they elected new governors, who in time appointed new officers, all of whom were supposed to be favorable to Floriano’s ideas. Now, one of the principal charges made by Mello against Peixoto is the act of interposing in state governments.
The reestablished Republic found the state of financial affairs very low and Floriana took means at once to restore confidence. Amongst other embarrassments the General Company of Railways (Companhia Gareas) had issued an immense deal of stock in excess of the legal limit and its officers, it was charged, had falsified more shares, aggregating millions beyond the legal issue. Deodoro was about to extend the protection of the Government to this gigantic scheme when Floriano refused to have anything to do with it. The company was thrown into bankruptcy and the losers (counted by hundreds of thousands) who suffered by the failure of the Garaes Company at once became vindictive enemies of the Government and especially of its President, Floriano Peixoto. From this source commenced the opposition to Floriano which culminated when 13 of the highest army and navy officers, backed by politicians, addressed an open letter to Floriano ordering the President to call an election of the people to choose a President in accordance with the provisions of act 42 of the constitution, which reads: “In case of vacancy from any cause, in the presidency or vice-presidency, before the expiration of the first two years of the presidential term, a new election shall be held.” But the Vice-President, Peixoto, taking as his guide the temporary provision of the constitution, which reads, “Article 1, section 2. The President and Vice-President thus elected shall occupy the presidency and vice-presidency of the Republic during the first presidential term” refused to call an election. It is claimed that it was openly declared at the time of the adoption of the constitution that the object of the temporary provision referred to was to prevent a popular election until after the first presidential term, in order that the people should be able through experience to make a proper choice. The Vice-President ordered the protesting generals placed upon the retired list of the army.
On the 10th of April, 1892, some of these retired officers, in association with other discontented elements of society, attempted a revolution, which was quickly suppressed, and the leaders of it were exiled. In June of the same year Congress met and by a large majority approved the action of Floriano with regard to the quasi revolt, and then voted a bill of amnesty to the exiles. That Congress also confirmed Floriano’s interpretation of the temporary provision of the constitution. Article 43 of the constitution provides that “the President shall hold his office during four years, and is not eligible for reelection for the next succeeding term. (Sec. 1.) The Vice-President, who shall fill the presidency during the last year of the presidential term, shall not be eligible to the presidency for the next term of that office.” A bill was passed in the last Congress providing that a Vice-President can under no circumstances be reelected in case he has served as President for the last two years of the term, and Peixoto vetoed the bill. This veto is said to have been the immediate pretext of Mello’s revolt, the design being to obstruct the approaching congressional and presidential elections. Santa Catharina was never considered steadfast in political attachments. It is one of the States which gave its adhesion to the Republic only after it was established. When Deodoro by his own ipse dixit dissolved [Page 70] Congress, the governor of Santa Catharina, who had been chosen almost unanimously by the people, wrote at once, applauding the violent action, and giving his adhesion to Deodoro’s cause.
Twenty days later, when Mello started a revolution, which resulted in Deodoro’s resignation, and Floriano, as vice-president, succeeded him and reestablished the Congress which Deodoro had dissolved, Governor Lauro Muller, at the behest of revolutionists, was forced to resign and Floriano nominated Machado as governor. New state officers were commissioned and a day appointed for a general election, which returned a new state legislative assembly, and that body chose Machado governor. Afterwards when the revolution broke out in Rio Grande Machado took the part of the revolutionists against Floriano, the source of his power and position. He also dissolved the supreme court and denounced Floriano as an anarchist and tyrant. Philip Schmidt, member of the National Congress from Catharina, brought charges against Machado for having dissolved the supreme court, and under the operation of law he left the executive chair until his case would be heard before the proper tribunal. Elisen Guilherme, the first vice-president, succeeded him. The people from the colonies, together with Brazilians, it is said, put out vi et armis Guilherme and proclaimed Hercilio de Luz, President, but the National Congress made a protest and Floriano was forced to reinstate Guilherme. Guilherme left the Presidency to Vice-President Christovao Pires, who is now serving. When Mello made the existing naval revolt Christovao telegraphed to Floriano, announcing himself loyal to the Government. His son, employed in the post-office department, was, however, a suspect, and was recently discharged, and the father, as governor or president of Catharina, is now in alliance with Mello. The Federal Government having little faith in the governor of Santa Catharina, recently dispatched an aid-de-camp and several military officers to raise a force to defend the State in conjunction with Col. Serra Martini and Maj. Firmins, who commanded the military stationed there. Desterro, the capital of the State, is on the island of St. Catharina, which contains, including the city, about 12,000 inhabitants, the population of the State of Santa Catharina being about 238,000. Latest reports from that locality indicate that the forces of Peixoto have recaptured Desterro, which is the seat of Mello’s provincial government.