Mavroyeni Bey to Mr. Gresham.

[Translation.]

Mr. Secretary of State: I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your note of the 24th instant.

I am perfectly in accord with you touching the definition of the Monroe doctrine, which you are pleased to give me. But this doctrine—and I hereby again appeal to an American doctrine—is based, I think, on the following general principles, namely that no one should mix himself either directly or indirectly in the affairs of others. It also rests upon the need of every country’s defending its own interests, especially in whatever concerns the peace and tranquillity of its people whenever those interests require it. It is, therefore, in reality of this principle and this need that I intended to speak in my note of the 20th instant, and I cherish the hope that your excellency will be pleased to recognize their justice.

But in order for the present not to go outside of the question which formed the main object of my aforesaid note, I can assure your excellency [Page 711] anew that the Imperial Government has no animosity against any of the races which make up the vast Ottoman Empire, and that, on the contrary, it seeks to satisfy them all within the limits of justice and of the general interest. The Armenians, therefore, as a race, are not here in question, as your excellency supposes. But they are in question as individuals, and my aforesaid note only related to these latter.

You tell me that all foreigners who conform to the laws of the United States in regard to naturalization “are admitted to share in the benefits of American nationality.” But can not the Imperial Government, also, for its part, demand that its laws be respected? Can it regard as American citizens those among the Armenians who, without conforming to the Ottoman laws regulating the abandonment of Ottoman nationality and solely with a subversive motive, repair to the United States in order to fortify themselves behind a foreign influence! The Imperial Government has at all times had the greatest regard for that of the United States. It will not cease to show like regard in future. But you must, I think, admit that this amicable policy should constantly remain in harmony with the vital interests of the Empire. Now, it is a vital interest to maintain peace in our country. If you would be pleased to cause translations to be made of the articles in the Armenian journals published in London, in Marseilles, in Athens, and even in New York, you would clearly see what are the plans and the desires of those among the Armenians who expatriate themselves and who seek refuge in the territory of this great Republic. What would the Government of the United States itself do if, to give an impossible case, a large number of your Indians should think of forming an independent and free nation, and if, after having obtained in this or that country the legal support they sought, they were to return forthwith to the United States and give you trouble? Would not this Government be in the case of legitimate self defense, and would it not act accordingly? Certes, yes. And for this reason the conclusions of my note of the 20th instant appear to me to be logical and necessary.

Be pleased, etc.,

Mavroyeni.