Señor Bruzual to Mr. Seward.
Mr. Secretary: As I have returned from Venezuela, I deem it my duty to give an account to the government near which I am accredited of the grave political events which have disturbed my country and sprinkled its soil with Venezuelan blood, shed by Venezuelan hands. We South American patriots lament that we are compelled to behold, in this civilized age, the barbarous spectacle of an appeal to arms in changing the officers of our government, after half a century of independence; but such is our misfortune, and we must meet it with republican valor, and persevere till the great task of our political regeneration is achieved.
To give you a more complete idea of those events it will be necessary to go back to the beginning of the revolutionary tempest that has recently broken with such violence over Venezuela.
In the beginning of 1858, General José Tadeo Monagas, then ruler of the country, began the work of fiscal corruption, squandered the public money, and attempted to exercise despotic power; which acts so aroused the people in March of that year that the President did not venture to use the forces at his disposal to defend his legal authority, but resigned it into the hands of congress and sought the protection of a foreign legation for his person.
The victorious revolutionists proclaimed as President of the republic the governor of the province that first took up arms against the unpopular President, and he was recognized by all the other provinces, that soon elected delegates to a reconstructing convention.
The two contending political parties in Venezuela are called the liberal [Page 988] and the oligarchs; the latter, in Colombia and Mexico, are known as conservatives, and is the party which has governed the country the longest, as well as in all the new republics, through the faithlessness of a few liberal leaders, aided by the direct or indirect help of some foreign powers that wish to change the form of governments that have been generally adopted in South America.
The opposition to Monagas was begun by the oligarchs with a few of the liberals in the constituent convention, but three-fourths were of the former party.
One of the first acts of that convention was to declare, almost unanimously, Monagas a traitor to his country and the assassin of a congress; for which he was condemned to perpetual banishment. That convention sanctioned a central constitution, and the liberal members protested against it because all the provinces had pronounced in favor of a federation. When the constitution was promulgated, all the liberals pronounced against it, and they gained their cause, after a five years’ struggle.
General Falcon was at the head of the federal army, and of course he was elected provisional President. He began by repealing all the laws and persecuting decrees of the conquered party, even that causing the exile of Monagas; and thus, for the first time, a government was formed in Venezuela that did not proscribe the conquered, but offered them protection.
The federal form of government having been restored to the republic in 1864, General Falcon was elected constitutional President of the Union; but, unfortunately, he did not assume the great task that destiny had allotted him, and, faithless to the same priciples he proclaimed during the war of five years—principles which had become the supreme law of the land by acts of the national convention—he governed in a manner so contrary to those principles and the will of the people that the public turned against him, and a large party took up arms to depose the treacherous ruler. The President, believing he could not resist the impending revolution, daily increasing in force to drive him from power, resigned in April last, and appointed a regency of the most respectable men in the federal party. This regency elected General Manuel E. Bruzuai, minister of war and marine, as chief executive, in strict accordance with the constitution. He began his administration by repealing all the unconstitutional acts of President Falcon, and published a message, in which he promised due obedience to the constitution, and did all he could to restore peace by ordering elections for this year.
The leaders of the revolution, however, not fancying the result of an election, determined to decide the question by a resort to arms.
The oligarchs and personal friends of Monagas, having joined the revolutionists, worked upon the hate of the liberals for Falcon, and thus succeeded in bringing over many leaders of the federal party.
The new government, intent upon securing peace without effusion of blood, neglected assembling forces sufficient to oppose the revolutionists in the Central States. It had hardly been two weeks in power when it was attacked by them, on the 5th of May. The chief executive repelled this first attack, and others, up to the 10th, with the small garrison of the district, which he commanded in person, and, hoping to bring about a reconciliation by peaceful means, managed an interview with the revolutionary leader, and the contest ended with a treaty the next day.
The leaders of the different revolutionary bands approved of this treaty at first; but in a few days they began to prepare for war, and General Monagas was proclaimed chief, though he was at that time far from [Page 989] Caracas, was in open rebellion against the national government, and at the head of the militia in the State of Barcelona.
General Bruzual, still resolved on peace, instead of asking quotas from the loyal States to defend the general government, sent a commissioner to Monagas to ask for a reconciliation. This only hurried his march upon the federal district. This man, then marching upon Caracas, had under him the same officers, who, ten years before, had condemned him as an assassin of congress.
At the time of the treaty of Auteniano General Mendoza was at the head of the rebel forces in the State of Bolivia; and as he offered to support the government, he was made President of the State, and arms were sent him for his troops. With new forces he now marched against Monagas, who was invading that State. But he soon joined Monagas, and they marched together upon Caracas. General Bruzual once more attempted conciliatory measures and on the 20th of June, had a parley with the rebel chief in the suburbs of the capital. At that interview a reduction of the federal army was proposed, and its concentration within the district, till an election could be held in all the States; and as a corollary of this proposal there was to be an armistice, and half of the new cabinet was to be chosen from among the rebel chiefs. But the rebel chief rejected all these proposals, and insisted that the supreme power should be surrendered to him; that his policy should prevail, and his plans of reconstruction be carried out. On hearing this outrageous proposal, General Bruzual broke up the conference and returned to the city, resolved to defend it with the one thousand and eighty-five men in its garrison. The city was attacked on the morning of the 22d, and after a brave defense of seventy hours against a triple force, the capital fell into the hands of the rebels, with two-thirds of its defenders dead in the streets. General Bruzual escaped alone to La Guayra, where he had three hundred men, and went with them to Puerto Cabello, the strongest fort in Venezuela. On the 27th he appointed new ministers, as the others were captured, and proclaimed Puerto Cabello the federal district and capital. The government and loyal States yet have high hopes of being able to drive the rebels out of Caracas.
The rebels hold the States of Nueva Esparta, Barcelona, Bolivia, Aragüa, Guárico, part of Carabobo, and a portion of the States of Apure and Coro.
The government still retains possession of the States of Zulia, Merida, Tachira, Tanjillo, Zamora, Taracuy, Portuguesa, Barquisimeto, Nueva Andalucia, the larger part of Coro and Apure, and a corner of Carabobo. The State of Guayana has declared itself neutral.
The consequence is, that a rebel party is attempting to destroy the government, and the struggle will depend upon the means the government may have for its defense.
In such a situation it is to be hoped that the government of the United States of America will extend us a friendly hand, to aid us in suppressing the rebellion.
A favorable answer is anxiously expected.
I embrace the occasion to repeat the assurances of my distinguished consideration.
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.