There is, I fear, too much of truth and justice in the views of European
sentiment which you present, as there is also in your estimate of the
domestic trials and dangers through which we have to pass. But, on the
other hand, the clear moral right, as well as no inconsiderable moral
and material strength and power, are on the side of the Union. The
sentiment of devotion to it, and the principle of making that devotion
the great element of political action, happily every day gain intensity,
as well as expansion, equally in Congress and among the people. The
confidence of the government is built in some measure upon its plans of
the campaign which is opening, and these plans cannot wisely be made
known. I must be content, therefore, with assuring you that the doubts
or fears which our representatives abroad continually present to us find
no lodgement whatever in our own minds.
Cassius M. Clay, Esq., &c., &c., &c.
Mr. Cameron to Mr. Seward.
No. 2.]
Legation of the United
States, St.
Petersburg,
June 26, 1862.
Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I
arrived here on the night of the 15th instant, and was received by
Mr. Clay, who was awaiting my arrival. On Monday I made application
for an interview with Prince Gortchacow, minister of foreign
affairs, who appointed the following day (17th) at noon. In company
with Mr. Clay I called upon the prince at the foreign office. He
received me with cordiality, and in the course of our brief but very
satisfactory conversation expressed his most earnest desire for the
termination of our domestic difficulties. He informed me that the
Emperor had removed his residence to his summer palace of
Tzarsko-Selo, where my presentation to his Majesty would probably
take place.
On the 19th, however, I received a note from the prince, stating that
the Emperor would come to St. Petersburg and give me an interview at
the winter palace on Tuesday, the 24th instant. This unexpected
courtesy on his part was doubly agreeable, since it gave an
assurance, in advance, of the special kindliness of his sentiments
towards us. Shortly before the hour appointed, on the 24th, notice
was sent to me that, on account of some private reason which
prevented the Emperor from coming to St. Petersburg on that day, the
audience was postponed until the 25th.
At noon, therefore, in company with Mr. Clay—whose audience of leave
was appointed for the same time—and with Mr. Taylor, secretary of
legation, I proceeded to the winter palace. We were conducted to the
ante-room, adjoining the Emperor’s cabinet, where we were received
by the grand chamberlain, Count Schouvaloff, and the master of
ceremonies, Count de Eibeaupierre. Mr. Clay was first summoned to
the imperial presence to deliver his letter of recall and take his
official leave, after which I was presented to his Majesty. The
remarks which I made on delivering to him my letter of credence are
given, in substance, in the paper (A) accompanying this despatch. He
listened to them with attention, interrupting me several times to
express his hearty concurrence in my views. A conversation followed,
which lasted for more than half an hour, and during which the
Emperor, by his questions and observations, exhibited not only his
profound interest in everything relating to our country, but his
accurate knowledge of her present situation. He declared, frankly,
that his sympathies had always been cordially with us; that he was
very anxious the United States, as a nation, should suffer no
diminution of power or influence; our interests and those of Russia
were in many respects identical, and he was desirous to hasten, by
all the means in his power, the progress of that telegraphic
enterprise which will enable the two governments to communicate
directly with each other. He referred to his efforts in regard to
the emancipation of the serfs, and manifested a great interest
concerning the solution of the question of slavery in the United
States.
The Emperor was exceedingly plain, frank, and unostentatious in his
demeanor. The unusual length of the interview, as well as unaffected
earnestness and sincerity of his expressions, gave evidence that he
desired to make a special manifestation of his friendship for our
country and government. Both on entering and leaving his cabinet he
gave me his hand with cordial familiarity. This practical experience
of the good faith of those professions of sympathy with the United
States which Russia now makes, as she has heretofore made—not only
unimpaired but strengthened by the knowledge of our national
trials—has afforded me the most profound gratification.
[Page 448]
At the close of the interview Mr. Bayard Taylor, secretary of
legation, was presented to the Emperor.
Mr. Clay will leave for the United States as soon as he has had his
audience of leave from the Empress and the other members of the
imperial family.
I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
(A.)
I am instructed by the President to convey to your Imperial
Majesty the assurances of his desire to perpetuate the friendly
relations which have so long existed between Russia and the
United States.
In addition to our obligations for ancient evidences of
friendship, he as well as our whole people feel an abiding
gratitude for the prompt and cordial sympathy which we have
received from your Majesty in our successful efforts to subdue
an unnatural rebellion.
Knowing the exalted opinion entertained by the President of the
United States, and by the American people, towards your Majesty,
I could not but consider my appointment of minister to your
court the highest honor which could have been conferred upon
me.
No two governments in Christendom differ more widely in some
respects than Russia and the United States, yet both seem best
adapted to promote the happiness and prosperity of their
respective people. Both are at present engaged in a social
change, and have imposed upon them a national duty similar in
character, and promising alike results equally vital and
glorious to either nation.
This social change is the emancipation of labor, in effecting
which your Majesty has so nobly led the way, and which the free
masses of my own country are now so heroically emulating under
the guidance of divine providence.
We believe that the peace as well as the material interests of
all nations will be best subserved by the continuance of the
power and prosperity of Russia in the Old World, and on the new
continent by the perpetuity of the system adopted by the United
States.
Let me assure your Majesty that recent events abundantly prove
that my government is able to meet all exigencies, and to
perform her whole duty to humanity. Her system does not admit of
large standing armies in time of peace, but the promptitude with
which her citizens came to the call of the President, and the
existence of our present mighty army, prove that we shall never
want soldiers to maintain our domestic security or to defend our
national honor.
It is remarkable that Russia and the United States are the only
two great powers of the world whose friendship can never be
disturbed by rival interests. Your Majesty is extending
civilization to the far east, while the people of my country are
carrying the blessings of our government to the extreme west. In
this mutual advance your telegraph will soon join ours, so that
St. Petersburg and Washington may converse with each other
without the wires being touched by unfriendly hands.
It will afford me unfeigned pleasure to represent my country in
this spirit, and to take every proper occasion for drawing still
closer the bonds of amity between the two nations.
