Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: About the time of writing my despatch No. 237, I was considering in my mind the expediency of asking a conference with Lord Russell in order to know whether the speech of Mr. Gladstone was to be regarded by me as conveying to the public the views of her Majesty’s government. But as I was just then on the point of executing a promise I had made to visit Mr. W. E. Forster at his place in Yorkshire, I determined to put off a decision at least until after my return to London. In the meantime I have had the opportunity of free conversation with that gentleman, whose capacity, judgment, and tact in the treatment of American questions in Parliament have heretofore won for him much of my respect and regard. The conclusions to which I might have come were, however, greatly modified by the events which happened during the interval of my stay. It became tolerably apparent to me that Mr. Gladstone had been expressing his individual opinions and giving loose to his personal sympathy with the chief of the rebels, whilst his course was regarded by several of his colleagues as transcending the line of policy formerly agreed upon at the time of their dispersion for the summer. The first public indication of this took the shape of an informal notice in the Globe, an evening newspaper professing neutrality in our struggle, and occasionally used for that reason to express official opinions, which, not without a little sharpness towards Mr. Gladstone, drew a clear line between him and the ministry in regard to the sentiments in his speech. The next and more marked proof is to be found in the report of a speech made by Sir George Cornewall Lewis, and published in the morning papers, which is palpably designed to neutralize the influences which might have been and which in many quarters undoubtedly were drawn of an actual change in the cabinet policy.
Putting these things together, I was led to the belief that it was wiser for me not to meddle with the matter at all just now, but rather to let it blow over as a nine days’ wonder. I prefer to avoid any appearance of anxiety or of distrust in the sincerity of the profession thus far made, and still more any proceeding which might be construed minatory. I shall therefore let this week pass away without making any sign of consciousness of what is going on.
[Page 222]On the other hand, the fact is very certain that the departure of Lord Lyons has been again postponed. The last time I saw him he announced to me that he should go on the 11th. Yet he is still here, and there is no sign of his immediate moving. Concurrently with this delay comes a notice that the first cabinet council is called for the 23d instant, which is earlier than usual, and intimations appear that one reason for this anticipation is the urgent nature of the American difficulty. “Without putting too much stress on these unauthorized conjectures, it is perfectly fair to infer some connexion between the approximation of the cabinet meeting and the postponement of Lord Lyons’s return. I do not therefore doubt that the opportunity will be taken to reconsider the situation, and to lay down the line of policy for the regulation of the minister during the subsequent season. How far the question of a recognition of the insurgents will enter into the deliberation I will not venture to predict. My own opinion is that that event now depends almost entirely on the fortune of the war. If we prove ourselves by February next no more able to control its results than we are at this moment, it will be difficult for ministers longer to resist the current of sentiment leaning in that direction in both houses of Parliament. I do not know that many of them will be longer inclined to do so. Even the unpleasant alternative of appearing to uphold slavery against the action of a free government will be acquiesced in as an overruling necessity dictated by the popular opinion. I feel it my duty to say thus much, in order to prevent the smallest misconception of the existing state of things on this side in the minds of the government at home.
But it has occurred to me that, prior to this day of meeting, it may be expedient for me to solicit an interview with Lord Russell to dispose of other matters which have been left pending for some time past. I may then be able incidentally to open a way to the subject most interesting to both countries, and to invite informal disclosures, if any are to be made, as well as in the same way to intimate probabilities which may ensue in certain contingencies that can be imagined. The matter requires delicate treatment, but, as at present advised, I am inclined to venture upon the experiment. Whatever the results of it may be, I shall endeavor to lay them faithfully before you in my next.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.