Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: The last week has been marked by only two events of any particular importance.
The first of these was the reception of the news of the President’s proclamation respecting the slaves. The effect of it has been only to draw the line with greater distinctness between those persons really friendly to the United States and the remainder of the community, and to test the extent of the genuine anti-slavery feeling left in this country.
The second is the appearance of Mr. Gladstone, the chancellor of the exchequer, once more in a popular address referring to the state of things in America. From the first there has been little doubt on which side his sympathy was. But the present is the first occasion upon which he has ventured to touch upon the slave portion of the controversy. His idea that the force of the slave tenure will be diminished by the withdrawal of that portion of the governing power which had heretofore been applied to sustain it in the free States is as ingenuous as it is sophistical.
* * * * * * * * * *
As this is just the season when public men are in the practice of making their addresses all over the country, it is probable that more or less of them will be appearing from day to day in the newspapers. I find reports of two in those of this morning. There is no mistaking the spirit they contain; and as both the members are of the so-called liberal or ministerial party, generally ranked as the least unfavorable of the two to the United States, it is not unfair to infer from them the tendency of opinion everywhere in the governing classes. I think that in this connexion the tone of Mr. Gladstone may be construed as indicating the course that may be taken by government as soon as Parliament meets, should the indications of public opinion be so marked as to make any step necessary. The only thing now likely further to retard it, in my opinion, is any serious change in the character of war. We are yet awaiting the issue of the grand plan of operations con- [Page 210] cocted at Richmond, only a portion of which has thus far been defeated. Of this plan, the naval portion, a consciousness of the existence of which is so singularly betrayed by Mr. Gladstone, is far the most important to us, in connexion with the position of Great Britain; for the fact is certain that the whole of it has been constructed and organized here. Any diminution of our power on the ocean would be hailed here with the greatest delight, for it is there that the greatest jealousy exists. I trust that government has been sufficiently warned of what is preparing in this direction to be able to meet the emergency with adequate forces. The great difficulty in the way of the rebels is the want of seamen. There seems thus far to be at least on this side, no deficiency of money.
On the whole, the prospect is not quite so bright as I had hoped a few days ago, when the rebel army seemed in the greatest danger. But we have so much of unexhausted resources left, in comparison with the insurgents, that it would seem as if, with ordinary skill in the direction, the ultimate issue could not be doubtful.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.