Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.
Sir: Your despatch of January 17, No. 103, fell upon the department as merely a small part of the largest foreign mail ever received here, and only after such delays as left insufficient time to dispose of the same before the departure of the outgoing steamer.
I approve entirely of your proceeding in regard to the Nashville, while I hail the solicitude of the British government for the preservation of peace in the British waters as a favorable indication. I have given to the Navy Department the information received from you concerning the probable attempt to transfer the Nashville to British owners.
I have given to Mr. Perry substantially the same ideas which I have expressed to yourself in regard to the uselessness to European maritime powers of a policy on their part which invites only insurgent privateers and repels loyal American commerce from their ports. It is easy to see that this is the effect of a premature recognition of the insurrection as entitled to belligerent rights.
We hear from various correspondents, as you do, that France proposed three months ago to Great Britain a recognition and intervention to break the blockade.
The communication of this kind which appeared to wear the highest character for authority was said to have come from the innermost circle of the British government. We have not credited it for this, among other reasons, namely: Lord Lyons, who, although a man of prudent reserve, is, [Page 22] at the same time, entirely truthful, has frankly told me that he knows nothing of the matter, while the French minister, who is a very frank and friendly person, denies all knowledge of any such purpose. Further, Mr. Thouvenel’s communications with us, made before and after the settlement of the Trent affair, are of such a character as to exclude a belief that France was, indeed, proposing to Great Britain a plot for the dismemberment of the Union. Moreover, I am slow to believe that either the government of France or the government of Great Britain misunderstand the true interests of their own country so much as to desire the dissolution of the Union, especially a dissolution to be effected by European intervention, and with the purpose of establishing a slaveholding power on the borders of the Caribbean sea.
We have unmistakable evidence that sympathizers with the secessionists will inaugurate a debate and motion for recognition in Parliament. Nor will I deny that I indulge some apprehension of the result. But, at the same time, I am not conscious of having left anything undone that could be done to enlighten the British government and the British public upon the merits of the question. The solution of it must be left to those who are expected to assume the responsibility. One thing is certain, so far as any future political event can be, and that is, that neither with nor without foreign aid will this Union be permitted by the American people to fall.
I cannot close this despatch without expressing especial acknowledgments for the care and candor with which you have sifted the thick rumors of mischief, and given me what was worthy of consideration.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Charles Francis Adams, Esq., &c., &c., &c.