Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
That there has been more or less of communication between the great powers on the subject of the present state of America I do not doubt. As yet it has not probably run into any distinct form of action, but rather portends consultation to bring it to that. The interests of the different parties being clearly diverse, it is difficult to foresee what may be the issue of such counsels. The probabilities rather indicate the possible adoption of some overtures for mediation in a professedly friendly spirit, but rather imposing the more burdensome responsibility on the stronger side in case of its refusal to [Page 140] listen to them. Should circumstances continue to favor the idea of a protraction of the war, I am prepared for a demonstration of this kind in some form or other before the lapse of much time after the close of the session of Parliament.
The question must naturally arise how such a movement is to be met. Of course much would depend upon the precise shape it might take. Supposing, for an instant, that this should be as free from exception in manner as it could be made, and that its spirit were to assume the most benevolent aspect possible, the effect would be to concentrate in a degree the moral sense of the civilized nations of Europe in its behalf. Much would then seem to depend on the form which the reply would take.
Without pretending to suggest in advance any ideas respecting the policy which a similar proceeding might develop, it has occurred to me as important that a marked distinction should be upheld between the objects which the government has had in view from the outset of this struggle, and those which are imputed to it. Of these last the subjugation of the people of the rebellious region is the most generally entertained. Instead of being a war for the fuller establishment of free principles, it is construed as one of dominion of one part of the people over the other. In other words, the actual state of facts is precisely reversed, and the party which started the war for the attainment of that latter end is viewed as the one which is itself to be subjected. Under these circumstances it seems to me impossible longer to avoid an explicit declaration of the true state of the question. I have never understood it to be the design or the desire of the people of the United States to subjugate their brethren and forever after treat them as slaves. But I do understand it to be their determination not to permit them, by exercising the right of subjugating a large portion of their own people, on that basis, to occupy a position of perpetual danger to themselves. The attitude of a slaveholding nation, directed and controlled as it has been and would be in the southern States, in bitter hostility to the integrity of the Union as a republic based on freedom, could scarcely be tolerated under any circumstances, much less if established and upheld by the intervention of the most enlightened nations of the world. To guard against such a shocking result would seem to be the first care of a statesman. It is, then, only through the removal of the main obstacle, the continuance of slavery, that any prospect of a solution of this question at all honorable to the motives of the European powers can be opened up. With that as a fundamental condition all other difficulties might possibly be in time removed, and a pacific termination arrived at. To attain such an object might be, indeed, considered an event in the history of the world which would reflect the most credit on the parties undertaking it; whilst, on the other hand, to reject or evade it would be assuming, in fact, the maintenance of a policy which the whole European sentiment of the present century has united to denounce.
It is no more than my duty to add that the effect of the news received of the events at Richmond during the early part of the month will be to stimulate the activity of the movement all over Europe. It is showing itself strongly in private circles here as well as in the newspapers, and it will no doubt, before long, unless there should be a marked change for the better in America, take some form of public action. It would, then, seem to be of material consequence that the government should be prepared to meet any possible emergency by a clear line of policy, taking into view all the eventualities of the struggle.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.