149. Memorandum From Arnold Kanter of the National Security Council Staff to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Scowcroft)1
SUBJECT
- Your July 24 Meeting on Arms Control and Defense Topics
We have proposed more than enough topics to fill the time available in your 5:00 PM meeting today.2 But since this is the last time that you, Baker, Cheney, and Powell will all be in town for the next several weeks, your counterparts may want to raise additional subjects. The trick will be to get through as much of the agenda as possible in the time available while getting clear enough outcomes so that your loyal staff can follow through.
Ballistic Missile Downloading
At your request, this issue has been put on hold in Geneva pending the outcome of this meeting. We have separately sent you a discussion paper on the downloading issue which we also have circulated to the backbenchers in State, OSD, and JCS. (Copy attached at Tab 1.) We need an agreement at your level so that we can pursue the issue with the Soviets.
Under the proposed U.S. approach, each side could download up to two RVs on one type of existing ICBM (except SS–18s and SS–24s) and one type of existing SLBM. This approach is designed to permit us to download the Minuteman III while providing the maximum constraint on Soviet breakout. Since there is nothing in the ICBM part of our downloading proposal for the Soviets, our fallback position would allow them to download up to two RVs from the SS–24.
We want (some would argue must) be able to download Minuteman III in order to maintain a viable ICBM leg and/or preserve enough silos in which to deploy SICBM later. Retaining Minuteman II would ease the requirement to download, but at what the Pentagon argues would be a much higher cost to retain a much less capable missile. There is no START I requirement to download SLBMs. The main rationale for including SLBMs in the U.S. proposal is to create a helpful precedent for START II in which SLBM downloading probably will be necessary. [Page 812] It also may turn out to be a sweetener to the Soviets who might see some interest in downloading SS–N–20s and/or SS–N–23s.
We probably can withstand any Hill criticism of our downloading proposal (e.g., accusations that it is one more loophole on START reductions, that it enhances Soviet breakout potential). It is likely, however, that the Soviets will reject our proposal and make a counteroffer that gives them more opportunity to take advantage of downloading. Although we do not need to decide now the precise content of our next step until the Soviets respond, your meeting should set some parameters on how we treat this issue.
There are four broad approaches if, as is likely, the Soviets spurn our downloading proposal:
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- Propose a ban on downloading (which would be inconsistent with our commitment at the 1987 Washington Summit).
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- Permit a larger number of RVs per missile to be downloaded (which would worsen the potential breakout problem).
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- Press our proposed approach on downloading (which the Soviets would see as one-sided) and offer an offsetting concession to gain Soviet acceptance. This begs the question of what sort of concession would be necessary to make the deal.
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- Propose an approach that would make explicit the total number of RVs that could be downloaded.
DoD has argued in the past that we should propose to ban downloading if the Soviets reject our approach. Given the program and budget pressures he is under, Cheney may now be more flexible. Your meeting needs to decide how to strike the best balance between our own downloading needs, and the ratification and breakout problems posed by Soviet downloading.
Other START Issues
Secretary Baker may want to discuss the status of other outstanding START issues. There are perhaps four dozen lesser issues that we are plowing through this summer. Progress could always be faster but I think we are doing okay. There also remain the three major issues remaining from the Summit: Backfire, limits on heavy ICBMs, and non-circumvention.
Baker has a proposal that would allow the Soviets a maximum of about 500 air force and naval Backfires and would prohibit giving Backfire an intercontinental capability. If the Soviets can be persuaded to take it, we will have a good deal. On SS–18s, Baker wants to exploit the flexibility the NSD gives him (i.e., take what is already agreed with the Soviets and defer further limits to START II) to get Soviet acceptance of our position on non-circumvention (i.e., an unlimited right to cooperate with the British). You said you do not want to move to our bottom line on [Page 813] heavy ICBMs quite yet, trying at least for an explicit Soviet commitment to deMIRVing in START II. You also said you do not like the linkage between heavy ICBMs and non-circumvention.
[Omitted here is material not related to START.]
inspections of the PBV) have been studied.3 These measures, however, have been found either not to increase significantly the cost or difficulty of maintaining a feasible breakout capability, or to require redesign of existing PBVs and an intrusive exchange of design data.
The breakout potential associated with downloading poses a risk of becoming a ratification issue both because of verification problems and because downloading could be perceived as a mechanism to avoid real reductions in START. In this sense, downloading would be an additional item on the following list that treaty critics might use to argue that START will not result in significant reductions in strategic nuclear weapons:
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- SSBN exclusions (4–5 submarines
in the water, but not accountable):
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- up to 1000 Typhoon RVs;
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- up to 960 Trident D–5 RVs.
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- RV counting:
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- up to about 1900 Soviet RVs (6 breakout RVs on each SS–N–23, 4 breakout RVs on each SS–18);
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- up to about 1820 U.S. RVs (4 breakout RVs on each D–5, 2 breakout RVs on each Peacekeeper).
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- ALCM counting:
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- up to about 1300 Soviet weapons (4 legal ALCMs on 210 Soviet ALCM carriers; up to 6 additional, illegal ALCMs on each Bear H;
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- up to 1500 U.S. weapons (10 legal ALCMs on 150 U.S. ALCM carriers.
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- Bomber warheads (up to 10–24 bombs and short-range air-to-surface missiles on each heavy bomber that are not counted in the 6000 aggregate.
It is worth noting that there are reasons why each of the above provisions is in the U.S. interest and that downloading would be defended on a similar basis. The proposed U.S. position on downloading is designed to meet important U.S. programmatic objectives and minimize breakout by limiting the number of missile types that could be downloaded, limiting downloading to two RVs per missile, increasing the frequency of on-site inspection of downloaded missiles, and banning downloading of heavy ICBMs.
[Page 814]U.S. Bottom Line
The U.S. faces three options for the Minuteman force under START:
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- retain about 400 older MM II at a cost of $700 million-$4 billion;
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- permit downloading, of MM IIIs from 3 to 1 RV at a cost of about $190 million; or
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- retain 3-RV MM IIIs and deploy 30–50% as many silos as under either of the above approaches.
Given the emphasis we have placed on strengthening stability, keeping the number of silos as high as possible under START is an important objective. Under current and prospective fiscal constraints, and especially given the uncertain prospects for deployment of mobile ICBMs, downloading is the most attractive, and may be the only realistic, option to achieve this objective.
Nevertheless, there is little in the proposed U.S. position to interest Moscow. Even the U.S. fallback position cannot be utilized as effectively by the Soviets and is thus unlikely to be accepted without modification. It is likely that Washington will soon face the following options in response to a Soviet counterproposal:
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- Loosen the restrictions on downloading to permit a greater number of RVs per missile to be downloaded (which would worsen the potential breakout problem);
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- Alter the restrictions on downloading to make explicit the total number of RVs that could be downloaded (which could exacerbate the ratification issue by specifically identifying the number of RVs that could be removed from accountability without any launcher destruction);
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- Propose a ban on downloading (which would be inconsistent with our commitment at the 1987 Washington Summit);
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- Stay with our proposed restrictions on downloading, which the Soviets would likely see as one-sided, and offer an offsetting concession in order to gain Soviet agreement.
We do not need to make a decision now about which option to choose, but we may want to rule out one or more of them at the outset. In addition, an evaluation of our bottom line will affect the way the Negotiator approaches the issue with the Soviets. Our course of action in the future will depend in large measure on the Soviet response.
[Page 815]- Source: George H.W. Bush Library, Bush Presidential Records, National Security Council, John A. Gordon Files, Subject Files, OA/ID CF01646–003, START—July 1990. Secret. Sent for information. Gordon initialed for Kanter. A stamped notation indicates Scowcroft saw the memorandum.↩
- No minutes were found.↩
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