323. Memorandum From the Executive Secretary of the Department of State (Platt) to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (McFarlane)1

SUBJECT

  • Request by Tunisian President Bourguiba for Private Call on President

Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba February 16 asked that Ambassador Sebastian convey Bourguiba’s desire to make a visit to the U.S. later this spring. The centerpiece of such a visit would be a private call on the President. Bourguiba, at least eighty-three, is increasingly anxious to pay his respects to the President; Bourguiba for health reasons was unable to accept the President’s invitation for a private meeting two years ago.

Since suffering heart troubles last November, Bourguiba has seemingly become more conscious of his advancing age and the need to set in place as firmly as possible the future direction of Tunisia’s foreign policies. One of his concerns is to solidify further U.S.-Tunisian relations, which under Bourguiba have always been close and productive. If the visit materializes, we assume that Bourguiba’s entourage would include several of his ministers who would pursue substantive meetings here.

Even though Bourguiba’s health is fragile and may ultimately preclude a visit, the Department strongly recommends that the President agree to receive Bourguiba during a private visit to Washington in late spring. The Department proposes sending the attached draft cable conveying this message to the GOT.2

Attached also is Tunis 1467, which expresses Ambassador Sebastian’s strong views on the desirability of a visit.

Nicholas Platt
Executive Secretary
[Page 672]

Attachment

Telegram From the Embassy in Tunisia to the Department of State3

1467.

Pass White House. Subject: President Bourguiba Asks to Meet President Reagan. Refs: Tunis 13864 and previous.

1.
(Secret/Nodis—Entire text.)
2.
Summary. President Bourguiba wants to make a symbolic sentimental visit to Washington to meet with President Reagan. He has suggested May. His intimates and physicians remain opposed to the idea given his health but have proved unable or unwilling to dissuade the President. We do not see, now, how we can refuse Bourguiba’s request, which was couched in all the warm feelings this devoted friend holds towards the U.S. We recommend that we promptly respond with an agreement in principle for a private visit at a date in the spring to be agreed upon later. End summary.
3.
This is an action message (see para. 9 and 10).
4.
President Bourguiba asked to see me this morning (February 16). We talked for about twenty minutes. Prime and Foreign Ministers were present.
5.
President Bourguiba said that he had last been in the United States two years ago. It had been a private visit and he had gone to consult an eminent dentist—Dr. Amsterdam of Philadelphia. President Reagan had been kind enough to invite him to stop by to see him then, but he (Bourguiba) found himself in bad oral shape (“my teeth were mush”) and had had to decline. “Now I am 81, Bourguiba said, and cannot live much longer” (et la mort n’est pas loin). He had met virtually every President since Eisenhower (FonMin was sent off to find Ike’s photo with a warm dedication) and “If President Reagan wants to see me” he (Bourguiba) would have closed the circle, viz, seen the last President likely to be in office before his own passing. May seemed like a good month for his trip, Bourguiba continued. It would be warmer then and the President would have a clearer calendar than at present.
6.
I told Bourguiba that I felt certain President Reagan would be delighted to receive him at the first mutually convenient moment. I knew that as a dean of world leaders and a staunch friend of the U.S. since prior to Tunisia’s independence, the President held him (Bourguiba) in high esteem—as witness also his 1982 invitation to stop by. I would report his desire promptly. Bourguiba then said that he “and my wife” really looked forward to the trip and sent the President his warm good wishes “for a second term as pace-setting (retentissant) as the first term had been.”
7.
Comment: Before I was taken in to see the President I had a few minutes in the ante-chamber with Foreign Minister Caid Essebsi. The latter knew the Prime Minister had seen me and may well have known what was said (reftel) but I cannot be sure. Operationally, we shall have to ascertain ASAP whether the Prime Minister’s request is or not overtaken. In any event we will wish to shape our responses in ways which do not/not make it appear that the sending of physicians is in anyway a polite substitute for the requested meeting—or, worse, a checkup to see whether President Bourguiba seems likely to survive pending this possible trip to the U.S.
8.
Foreign Minister Caid Essebsi, in alerting me to the likely tenor of President Bourguiba’s démarche, agreed that any visit which might materialize would need to be structured to allow a maximum of flexibility. This suggests a private visit at an agreed date undertaken pursuant to assurances that during it, the President would be most pleased to receive President Bourguiba for, say, lunch (FYI—lunch with Bourguiba and visitors at Carthage usually lasts one hour from start to finish). The likely (and, indeed, necessary) presence of Wassila Bourguiba would also permit a more intimate get together—should the White House prefer—to, say, tea in the family quarters. In short, assuming we are prepared to accept a visit on some such terms, the format would need to meld personal contact between the principals with settings responsive to the limitations imposed on Bourguiba by his infirmities. End FYI.)
9.
Recommended action—President Bourguiba’s request speaks for itself. He made clear in his comments this morning that he feels keenly the passing parade of Arab leaders through Washington (“the President has seen the Saudi King, Chadli Bendjedid is going and Mubarak. . . so if he wants to see me. . . etc”). In his eyes these men are all much his juniors and have far to go before their friendship for the U.S. and what it stands for can compare with his. Of course, all those who benefit from the status quo here will be reluctant to see him go, given the inherent risks, but arguably Bourguiba probably draws more vitality from his continuing sense of political centrality and relevance than from the cautions of his physicians or intimates.
10.
I do not see how we can decently do other than welcome him at a mutually convenient date for a private visit. As the date approaches he either will or will not be able to travel. If he can, we buy some risk but surely should the trip prove too much for him the world will place responsibility for its effects on those who let him go rather than those who would honor and receive him at his request during a “private” sojourn. Alternatively, we could, of course, temporize or refuse to accept him, but he has an old man’s tenacity and, justifiably, a view of his own achievements which would lead him to perceive an overly delayed or less than welcoming response as a serious and undeserved slight. Our relationship would suffer the consequences. Given this cost-benefit calculus, therefore, I hope that President Bourguiba’s request will be granted and would welcome an early favorable reply in principle pending agreement on a mutually acceptable date “this spring.”
Sebastian
  1. Source: Department of State, Executive Secretariat, S/S Records, 1985 Nodis Memorandums: Lot 94D92, Nodis February 1985. Confidential; Nodis. Drafted by Stephen Eisenbraun (NEA/AFN); cleared by Zweifel, Nassif, Johnson, and Selwa Roosevelt (S/CPR).
  2. Not found.
  3. Secret; Immediate; Nodis.
  4. In telegram 1386 from Tunis, February 14, Sebastian reported that Mzali had told him that “Bourguiba had wanted for some time to come to the U.S. to visit with ‘his friend’ President Reagan. Ill health had interfered but he now felt sufficiently recovered and ‘is badgering FonMin’ to arrange the visit.” (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, Electronic Telegrams, N850002–0468)