413. Telegram From the Embassy in Czechoslovakia to the Department of State1

641/Depto 10021.

SUBJECT

  • Deputy Secretary Whitehead’s Meeting With Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Chnoupek.

REF

  • Prague 632.2
1.
Confidential—Entire text.
2.
Summary: During a two-hour consultative session February 2, Deputy Secretary Whitehead and Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Bohuslav Chnoupek reviewed the state of bilateral relations and discussed briefly arms control issues. The Deputy Secretary presented the U.S. human rights agenda in Czechoslovakia and took issue with an accusation made earlier in the day by CPCZ Secretary Vasil Bilak concerning Vice President Bush’s 1983 Vienna speech. Chnoupek discussed Czechoslovak desires for the further development of relations and offered to consult with the USG regarding terrorism, narcotics, and [Page 1347] regional issues. The visit made useful progress along the pathway of small-step improvements. End summary.
3.
Deputy Secretary Whitehead, accompanied by Ambassador Niemczyk, NSC Director for Soviet and East European Affairs Paula Dobriansky, EUR/EEY Director Martin Wenick, D Staff Member Jay Bruns, and Political-Economic Counselor Randolph Bell called on Czechoslovak Foreign Minister Bohuslav Chnoupek February 2 to discuss bilateral and international topics. Joining the Foreign Minister on the Czechoslovak side were: Deputy Foreign Minister Jaromir Johanes; Ambassador Vladimir Polacek, Director, Basic Foreign Policy Questions Department; Rudolf Jakubik, Director, Sixth Department (English-speaking countries); Ambassador Emil Keblusek, Special Advisor to the Foreign Minister; and Miloslav Jezil, Director, Secretariat of the Foreign Minister.

Chnoupek Sets the Scene

4.
Chnoupek said that the GOC “highly welcomes” the Deputy Secretary’s visit, as, he said, “you have certainly heard from Mr. Bilak.” (FYI: Mr. Whitehead’s call on CPCZ Secretary Vasil Bilak has been reported reftel. End FYI.) Chnoupek referred to “high level visits” such as Mr. Whitehead’s and Assistant Secretary Ridgway’s3 as “wise and useful steps,” which offer an opportunity for resolving many problems that might otherwise be dealt with by propaganda or by other “unpleasant means.” Chnoupek said the Deputy Secretary’s visit could be a “major step” in the process of “normalizing” relations. He added that in the sense that we maintain full diplomatic relations, these are already normalized; they are not, however “developed in keeping with the possibilities arising from our history.” He then recounted a series of instances of Czechoslovak-American cooperation including the fact that the U.S. and the Soviet Union were the country’s “liberators” in World War II.
5.
Chnoupek, in a formulation that has become habitual for him, raised the rhetorical question of why the United States continues to “punish” Czechoslovakia. In that connection, he equated both countries’ media treatment of one another, held that even using the USG’s perspective he could find no differences among socialist countries in human rights climates, and concluded that one should look at the “positive signals” that recent developments in the consultative process have sent.

The U.S. Agenda

6.
Deputy Secretary Whitehead, in setting out the U.S. agenda, suggested that both sides consider relations to be normalized but “unnatural.” He empasized the many historic and cultural ties between the two [Page 1348] societies and told the Minister that the USG also sees promising evidence of change in recent bilateral activity, especially in the two working groups whose initial sessions occurred on January 20th.
7.
Mr. Whitehead suggested that both sides seek to determine what disturbs them and, recognizing that we have big differences, begin a process of developing better relations. He stressed that the USG wishes to see steady progress in this direction in the months ahead, in keeping with developments over the past six months.
8.
As an example of Czechoslovak behavior that disturbs Americans, the Deputy Secretary mentioned the GOC’s voting record in the UNGA. He observed that it must surely be the case that out of the many hundreds of questions that General Assembly sessions consider at least some must provide an opportunity for the Czechoslovak Government to vote with the USG.
9.
The Deputy Secretary also noted the unfortunate influence that rhetoric can have on relations. He recalled that Bilak had erroneously charged in their meeting the same day that Vice President Bush had, in his 1983 Vienna speech, called the Czechoslovaks “idiots and savages.” Mr. Whitehead, declaring the need to set the record straight on this issue, presented to Chnoupek a copy of that speech with the relevant passages underlined and emphasized that Bilak’s charge was unjustified. We noted that in any case chiding one another in “extreme language” probably is not ever helpful.
10.
Mr. Whitehead stressed that the U.S. agenda in our bilateral relationship centers very much around questions of human rights. He described for the Minister the historic origins of resounding American public interest in human rights, noting that the Constitution itself seeks to anchor these rights and that successive waves of immigration have come to the United States precisely in order to enjoy them. For the United States, the Deputy Secretary said, it is disturbing when governments usurp the rights of their peoples. Such developments in American eyes are always destabilizing. This was the case when Hitler and the Nazis usurped the rights of Europeans, and Americans’ concern about similar actions form the basis of our policy in countries where basis human freedoms are threatened.
11.
The Deputy Secretary then listed for the Foreign Minister aspects of Czechoslovak human rights performance that disturb American observers:
Concerning treatment of dissidents, he noted that the USG tolerates even outrageous criticism of itself and finds it difficult to understand that signers of Charter 77 and members of the Jazz Section should lose their jobs, undergo searches of their property and temporary arrests and detentions, see their children denied educational opportunities, experience intensive surveillance, and be prevented from [Page 1349] having contact with Westerners. In this last connection, the Deputy Secretary recounted difficulties surrounding the Embassy’s invitation of Chartists to its 4th of July reception last year and the experiences of Senator Pressler during his visit immediately beforehand.
Divided families, Mr. Whitehead held, involve children separated from their parents and wives separated from husbands. The Deputy Secretary emphasized to the Foreign Minister that the USG appreciates resolutions when they occur and noted that it “would mean a lot to us” if the remaining five cases on the U.S.-Czechoslovak list could be resolved.
Mr. Whitehead discussed the distress of Americans, particularly those of Czechoslovak origin, who wish to return on visits to this country and are unable to obtain visas. He suggested that the Minister look at their policy in this matter.
Czechs and Slovaks who wish to go to the United States and cannot obtain exit permission also cause us concern, the Deputy Secretary noted.
For humanitarian reasons, Mr. Whitehead said, the GOC should look at the plight of U.S. citizen Walter Randa, who has now served more than half his sentence.
Areas of concern to the U.S. in Czechoslovak treatment of religion, the Deputy Secretary said, include the requirement for state licensing for clergymen and the absence of bishops in ten out of thirteen dioceses.

The Czechoslovak Response

12.
Chnoupek, in replying, welcomed Mr. Whitehead’s formulation concerning normalized but “unnatural” relations and stressed that the GOC would also like to “move ahead more rapidly” in step-by-step improvements in relations. He replied to the Deputy Secretary’s agenda as follows:
Czechoslovak voting in the UN proceeds on the basis of coordinated Warsaw Pact foreign policy, just as NATO members’ voting patterns derive from coordination of their policies.
Mr. Whitehead is doubtless correct in saying that Vice President Bush never called Czechoslovak officials “idiots and savages,” but the Vienna speech gave evidence of being prepared “by someone who was not very experienced in Central European affairs.”
Both sides must be careful in their use of rhetoric although one can ask which came first—Washington Post attacks on President Husak or Rude Pravo criticisms of American Presidents. Chnoupek maintained that both sides have begun to differentiate between the mass media and official comment. (FYI: Embassy has often reminded Rude Pravo of its official status as the party’s official press and has recently done so in a series of letters to the editor. End FYI.)
Czechoslovak concern for human rights also has a long historic background. Even those who do not like present-day Czechoslovakia concede that the republic established in 1918 was one of the few democracies in this region. It was no accident, Chnoupek held, that Czechs and Slovaks opposed developments in Germany in the 1930’s. But as former Secretary Kissinger has noted, Chnoupek maintained, one must realize that in each social system human rights are seen differently. He then presented traditional Eastern formulations concerning economic and social rights, using discriminatory German civil service personnel policies (Berufsverbot) and the homeless persons he had seen on park benches in New York as examples.
The GOC is trying to resolve divided family cases. This, however, is “not always easy.”
He would not like to “get ahead” of developments, but the Deputy Secretary should know that the MFA is “working on a solution” to the problems some Americans have in obtaining Czechoslovak visas.
He “takes note” of the Deputy Secretary’s remarks concerning Czechoslovak citizens’ desire to obtain exit permission.
The Randa matter is “an ugly case,” and, while Randa is now a U.S. citizen, he was a Czechoslovak citizen when he committed his crime. Nevertheless, the Czechoslovak side was prepared to discuss the case to see what might be done.
Concerning religion, Chnoupek noted that the Pope told him two years ago that the Slovaks rank only behind the Poles in the strength of their Catholic faith.

A Czechoslovak Agenda

13.
Chnoupek then presented a Czechoslovak shopping list for the management of bilateral relations which included:
“Continuation of political dialogue” such as the Deputy Secretary’s visit. Chnoupek touted again the GOC’s desire for consultations at the Deputy Foreign Minister level.
Ministerial meetings. The Foreign Minister made his usual plea for UNGA bilaterals.
Access for the Czechoslovak Ambassador in Washington. Chnoupek noted that he received Ambassador Luers and has already seen Ambassador Niemczyk several times. No Czechoslovak Ambassador has called on a Secretary of State during the past ten years, he claimed.
Parliamentary delegations. The Minister suggested an “official exchange” of legislators and observed that he has frequently received American Congressmen.
“Dialogue at the working level.” Chnoupek mentioned arms control consultations such as Ambassador Polacek’s September trip to [Page 1351] Washington and suggested that the two governments also engage in consultations on regional issues, terrorism, narcotics, and “a number of other matters.”
Continued functioning of the working groups. Chnoupek observed that the initial sessions of the business facilitation and humanitarian affairs working groups had, the GOC felt, been “good.”
Obtaining results from the activities of the U.S.-Czechoslovak Economic Council. The Foreign Minister noted that, even without MFN, “at least some steps are possible in the area of trade.”
Signing a civair agreement. Chnoupek reported that he had personally tried to make this possible on the occasion of Mr. Whitehead’s visit but had found it “simply impossible.” Perhaps, the Minister observed, this could be accomplished during some such future meeting as a visit by DepFonMin Johanes in Washington.
Submission by the GOC before the end of February of specific suggestions for cooperation under the agreement on exchanges in culture, education, science and technology.
Continued progress in consular affairs, especially in the humanitarian affairs working group. The GOC “might even look at the consular convention again,” although it would now need renegotiating, Chnoupek said. He added that “in this connection we would like to see the normalization of our commercial relations as well.”
14.
Deputy Secretary Whitehead responded that if current steps lead to a more productive path, in the future all of the issues on the Czechoslovak list could probably be raised and dealt with but made plain that MFN is “not possible now.” He reminded Chnoupek that the 1974 Trade Act would require certification regarding Czechoslovak emigration and that, in this process, as well as during mandatory congressional hearings, the entire Czechoslovak human rights record would come under review. Mr. Whitehead agreed to review possibilities for assisting the GOC on matters of access, but he explained that the Secretary, during his relatively few days at the UNGA, must conduct a very large number of bilaterals, and expanding his calendar might prove difficult.

International Issues

15.
Chnoupek solicited the Deputy Secretary’s views regarding arms control negotiations in Geneva. The U.S. wants real reductions in armaments. Reykjavik, Mr. Whitehead said, appears to have led to some degree of confusion. The President believes that it would be in the long-range interest of all nations to eliminate nuclear weapons. It is not possible to accomplish that immediately, however. Among the many “unknowns” that one must deal with on the way to that elimination is how the West comes to terms with Eastern conventional [Page 1352] superiority. For now, it would be better to proceed with a 50 percent reduction in strategic weapons than to do nothing at all. We should also act on the possibility of a 100-percent reduction in European-based INF systems. The Deputy Secretary also noted that it should be possible to devise some kind of schedule of SDI deployment acceptable to both sides.
16.
The Deputy Secretary emphasized the President’s strong conviction that SDI is “the right thing” for the U.S. to be doing and that it represents a long-range hope for the entire world. Even if the two superpowers manage to eliminate their own nuclear stockpiles, he noted, other countries’ nuclear systems would continue to pose a threat. “Both we and you” need some kind of defensive system. The Deputy Secretary further explained that:
Verification remains an “important subject,” in many negotiations—especially on chemicals—but there is evidence that the Soviets may be developing a willingness to supply the kind of verification the Western side needs.
While nuclear testing will be necessary as long as we depend on nuclear deterrence, and a moratorium would be destabilizing, in that the reliability of weapons would be called into doubt, we should still be talking with Moscow on this subject.
The conversion of Geneva plenary sessions into working groups, the arrival of Vorontsov, and the latter’s useful exchanges with Ambassador Kampelman make for some optimism regarding the NST negotiations.
17.
Comment: Deputy Secretary Whitehead clearly presented the U.S. agenda, particularly its human rights and humanitarian aspects. The Czechoslovak response involved many predictable positions but also some useful few possibilities. We are particularly intrigued by Chnoupek’s offer of terrorism, narcotics, and regional-issues consultations. Although he did not formally re-link the consular convention and MFN, he did mention the two issues in close juxtaposition. This issue will require further exploration. The session with the Foreign Minister brought us a perceptible distance farther along the road of small-step improvements down which we have begun to travel and allowed the U.S. side fully and frankly to set forth American views. End comment.
18.
Moscow—minimize considered.
Niemczyk
  1. Source: Department of State, Official Correspondence of Deputy Secretary of State John C. Whitehead, July 1982–January 1989, Lot 89 D 139, JCW’s Eastern Europe Trip 1/27–2/7/87 Memcons. Confidential; Immediate. Sent for information to Eastern European posts, Moscow, Vienna, and the mission to NATO.
  2. See Document 412.
  3. Ridgway visited in April 1986.