Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981–1988, Volume X, Eastern Europe

344. Telegram From the Embassy in Hungary to the Department of State¹

2439.

Budapest, March 15, 1988, 1716Z

SUBJECT

• Budapest March 15 Demonstrations: Sitrep I.

REF

• Budapest 2299.²

1. (Confidential—Entire text.)

Summary:

2. A substantial unofficial demonstration mounted by the democratic opposition, with crowd peaking at around 8,000, broke off from planned official ceremonies at the National Museum Tuesday morning,³ and lasted until around 3 p.m. Deputy Foreign Minister Kovacs has confirmed to Ambassador that police have picked up eight opposition leaders as preventive measure, and plan to release them this evening. Ambassador has expressed strong objection to this tactic. Police posture toward the demonstrations has been restrained. The authorities have wired most of Budapest’s likely assembly points with loudspeakers, which have been used to impede or disrupt speeches by the opposition.

End summary.

Dissidents Detained

3. Deputy Foreign Minister Kovacs told Ambassador at 1:00 p.m. local time March 15 (at FRG Embassy reception) that eight people were being held in police station—he named Haraszti, Gado, Demszky.⁴ They would be released later in the day. He said this was better than having matters get out of control and facing serious problems. Kovacs said he had been on the phone with the Interior Ministry during the morning and the police are under instructions to be gentle. Kovacs also said he was relieved to see Ambassador at reception and not out on streets with demonstrators.

4. Ambassador responded that he had in fact just come from two hours of standing in front of the National Museum with about 8,000 Hungarians at the official commemoration of March 15th.⁵ Embassy officers would be present at the unofficial events. Ambassador said that decision to hold eight democratic opposition figures was similar to police searches of their apartments at same moment as Western journalists attending IPI conference here were being told by Politburo members Grosz and Berecz about Hungary’s commitment to openness. Steve Rosenfeld of “Washington Post” had written a scathing article about this fact, completely spoiling GOH hosting of IPI.⁶ Ambassador expressed regret that opposition leaders, many of whom were personal friends and respected here and in the West as Kovacs is aware, were being held. He said we would be watching closely as the rest of the day unfolded.

Official Observances

5. The anniversary of the 1848 revolution—which GOH officials have been referring to this year as the Hungarian national day—started off quietly with fewer than usual cars on the streets, and a heavy police presence in readiness. Two police vans were parked near the Alexander Petofi statue with one young policeman testing his gas mask.

6. Organized commemorations at the traditional memorials around Budapest have been nationalistic and more polished this year. Amplified music has been loud enough to preclude or cut off spontaneous chanting from the crowd.

7. At the official ceremony on the steps of the National Museum—where last year Patriotic People’s Front Secretary General Imre Pozsgay spoke with sound equipment so faulty he could not be heard at all—this year the communist youth organization, Kisz, ran a hip program. Kisz Central Committee member Janos Gocsei gave a short, punchy speech incorporating Kisz’ version of the 1848 twelve points which include more responsibility and better pay for youth.

8. The Museum was wrapped in the national colors, the traditional banner of Budapest (with the Monarchy’s crest) was displayed, and trumpeters dressed in Hussar uniforms sounded the fanfare for a well choreographed show. All these elements were new. The show featured youth in period costumes, Petofi poems set to rock music, and moving banners. The original 12 points—many of which are relevant today—and some of Petofi’s poems drew sustained applause, and the audience at times sung along. Budapest Mayor Pal Ivanyi, Deputy Prime Minister Judit Csehak, and three military officers were among the relatively low-level official delegation present.

9. A Kisz Central Committee official, who came up to Ambassador to ascertain his plans, said that officials estimated the crowd to number 8,000—larger than last year, which was a warm, sunny Saturday. There were fewer families with young children, and more young adults.

10. Other official commemorations we observed were at the Kossuth Memorial at 8:30 a.m., and at the Batthyany Eternal Flame at 1 p.m. Both were solemn, with music and wreathlaying. The Batthyany commemoration we were told was a first this year.

11. Much of the crowd from the [garble] walked the traditional route to the Petofi Memorial, where they joined forces with the large number of college-aged youth already assembled. From there, the parade along the traditional route to visit all 1848 memorials was well-organized and massive.

Unofficial Demonstrations

12. A crowd of around 1500 people—mainly young professionals, students, and members of the opposition—gathered at the Petofi statue in late morning and was reinforced by people coming from the National Museum. At noon, democratic opposition leaders Ferenc Koszeg, Janos Kis, Gaspar Miklos Tamas, Tibor Philipp and Sandor Szilagyi laid a wreath with flowers and a Hungarian flag with a circle cut out of the center a la 1956. According to Szilagyi, a video recording was made of opposition speeches, which were inaudible due to patriotic marches blaring from the official loudspeakers.

13. The crowd, which peaked at some 8,000, then proceeded through Vaci Utca to Jozsef Attila, Bajcsy Zsilinszky up to Kossuth Square in front of the Hungarian Parliament. Police plainclothesmen with radios blocked traffic along the route. Speaking from the steps of the Kossuth Memorial, Gaspar Miklos Tamas said that the work of Hungary’s three previous revolutions—1848, 1918 and 1956—is incomplete. The country now needs a new constitution, free elections and the end of self-appointed government. The leaders who have lost public confidence should resign. Standing in front of banners reading “real reform,” “press freedom,” and “freedom of association,” Tamas said that strong political will can create true political institutions, a development which cannot be prevented by police or the military. He protested the arrest of democratic opposition leaders Gabor Demszki, Miklos Haraszti, Otilia Solt, Tamas Molnar, Gyorgy Gado and others. Concluding with shouts of “long live the opposition,” “long live Hungarian freedom,” the singing of the national anthem and Transylvanian “Szekely Hymnus,” the demonstrators then processed to the Batthyany Memorial which has been adopted by the opposition as a memorial to Imre Nagy.⁷ As in other processions through town, the demonstrators sang the national anthem along the route, as well as the “Marseillaise,” a patriotic song about Lajos Kossuth,⁸ and periodically applauded in unison. The mood was upbeat, almost festive, and the enthusiasm was shared by spectators. At one point in the procession, the demonstrators’ clapping in unison was reciprocated by Agriculture Ministry staffers.

14. At the Batthyany Memorial, the demonstrators heard a statement read out on behalf of detained “samizdat” publisher Gabor Demszki. The crowd responded with chants of “this we want,” “democracy,” and, briefly, “solidarnosc.” Opposition statements at the Batthyany Memorial were curtailed by the national anthem blaring from official loudspeakers.

15. The crowd proceeded from the Batthany/Nagy Memorial to the Bem Memorial across the Margaret Bridge, blocking traffic, which was redirected by the city police. During this part of the march the group swelled. Once over the bridge, the crowd started chanting slogans such as “freedom of the press,” “free elections,” etc. As the crowd moved across the bridge, ambulances crossed at regular intervals, scattering the people and disturbing the build-up of momentum, but in the final blocks before the Bem statue, the group began to come together and gather a sense of purpose.

16. When the marchers finished gathering at the Bem Monument, an official speech was broadcast over the loudspeakers. In a reversal of the scenario at the Batthyany Memorial, the crowd drowned out the words of the taped speech. The chant from the crowd was “Varkonyi, Varkonyi” referring to the Foreign Minister whose ministry borders the square. Once the voice from the loudspeaker ended, the mood of the crowd hit its peak and moment of greatest confidence. There was palpable crowd electricity. This mood dissolved quickly, however. An older man addressed the crowd, making inflammatory statements about Transylvania and the need to redraw the Hungarian borders and regain the territory lost after World War I. The crowd reacted with hostility, crying out “forget that,” “no war,” “leave it,” “we don’t need it,” “fascist,” and referring to the man’s speech as “stupid.”

17. The other leaders of the demonstration finally managed to remove him from the podium but could not regain the spirit that had been created earlier, and the crowd’s mood seemed to deflate. Organizers called out the usual row of slogans, to some good effect, but when one of the leaders proclaimed “human rights for Hungarians” twice within a few minutes, someone from the crowd yelled out “say something new” and most people lost interest. Some standing near EmbOffs muttered they wanted to go home.

18. Most of the people did move onto Batthyany Square where the Kolcsey Monument was the final stop on the march, but did not stick around for more than a few minutes. One organizer EmbOffs spoke with said that more people showed up than were expected, but that in general he was a little disappointed with the results. In particular, he said that people had wanted to hear about Hungary’s internal problems and to address current issues, rather than to retreat into nationalism and the Transylvania question. But, he added philosophically, at least a demonstration like this can take place. He was also concerned that the march would not receive adequate publicity and derived some satisfaction from our assurances that it would at least be reported in the West.

19. Police posture: Thus far, we have detected no unusual military activity in Budapest related to security. DAO’s checks around town have disclosed no activity at the riot police barracks, lighter than normal military traffic on the streets, and no Soviet military traffic. There have been no signs of the authorities limiting access to Budapest. Police trucks and buses have been parked on standby near the parliament and other prospective demonstration sites; civilians with blue armbands are assisting police. As Budapest deputy police chief told us earlier (reftel), uniformed foot police in the downtown area are not carrying night sticks.

Palmer

1. Source: Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880224–0107. Confidential; Immediate. Sent for information to Eastern European posts, Moscow, Paris, and Vienna.
2. Telegram 2299 from Budapest, March 11, reported a conversation with the deputy police chief regarding preparations for the March 15 demonstrations. (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880213–0347)
3. March 15.
4. Miklos Haraszti, Gyoergy Gado, and Gabor Demszky, respectively.
5. March 15 is the anniversary of the beginning of the 1848 Hungarian Revolution.
6. Reference is to Stephen S. Rosenfeld, “Hungary’s Great Hope,” Washington Post, March 12, 1987, A27.
7. Nagy was Chairman of the Council of Ministers at the time of the 1956 revolution.
8. Kossuth was Governor-President of Hungary at the time of the 1848 revolution.