Foreign Relations of the United States, 1981–1988, Volume X, Eastern Europe

256. Telegram From the Embassy in Yugoslavia to the Department of State¹

9884.

Belgrade, October 6, 1988, 1719Z

SUBJECT

• Ambassador, DAS Simons Visit to Kosovo.

REF

• (A) Belgrade 9772,²
• (B) Belgrade 8784.³

1. C—Entire text.

Summary and Comment

2. The Ambassador and DAS Simons recently spent two days in Kosovo province, observing much of the region and speaking with official and private participants on current developments there. A surface calm continues to prevail, and there was no unusual police presence in the towns of Pristina (the capital), Pec and Prizren, nor in the many villages driven through en route. (Note: This was in daylight hours; the situation in villages where Serb-Albanian tensions have been most noticeable hay be quite different at night.) A consensus apparently has emerged that agreement will be worked out on amendments to the Serbian constitution, thus meeting one of the major demands of Serbian party chief Slobodan Milosevic. But popular ethnic Albanian leader Azem Vlasi is clearly worried (his own term) about possible backlash among Albanians if the amendments appear to reimpose Serbian domination in the province, and/or if changes are forced within the provincial leadership. Since Vlasi himself has been one of the main targets of criticism by Serbs, it is inevitable that he is under ever greater pressure as the date approaches for the much-anticipated 17th Plenum of the League of Communists Central Committee, now scheduled for October 17. In conversations with both Vlasi and the President of the Kosovo Assembly, the Ambassador and Simons alerted their interlocutors to serious U.S. interest in Yugoslavia’s human rights record as the country moves through the processes of political and economic change underway today. In a separate conversation, an Albanian intellectual (President of the Kosovo Writers’ Society) challenged the Serbian historical claim to authority in the Kosovo region. End summary and comment.

3. During a visit to Kosovo province on October 2–3, the Ambassador and DAS Simons called on leading Kosovo politician Azem Vlasi (member of the Presidency of the Kosovo provincial Committee of the League of Communists, and member of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY), and on Vukasin Jokanovic, President of the Kosovo Assembly. The Ambassador and Mr. Simons also met with three of the four Karic brothers (of the “Braca Karic” enterprise, Kosovo’s largest privately owned firm), as well as with Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, President of the Kosovo Writers’ Society.

Vlasi on Constitutional Amendments

4. Asked first to comment on the constitutional amendment process, Azem Vlasi spoke briefly about proposed amendments to the federal constitution. The main goal, he said, is to promote integration of the country, especially economic integration. Yugoslavia’s current divided market has resulted in economic stagnation and contributed to other problems, including ethnic problems, and has exacerbated political difficulties. While Tito was alive, he commented, such problems could be overcome more easily; there might be turmoil around the country, but at the same time the country would be stable. Alluding to frequent Serbian criticism of the 1974 federal constitution (because it is perceived as having “weakened” Serbia’s status as a republic), Vlasi said that he does not approve of those who criticize Tito’s outlook and the decisions taken in 1974. If Tito were alive, he concluded, some of the constitutional amendments would already be approved and there would not be so much quarrelling. Turning to proposed amendments to the Serbian constitution, Vlasi emphasized his belief that differences between Serbia and the provinces have been overpoliticized in public, but can and will be overcome. The attitude of the federal level now is to de-politicize the issues and work out solutions. In Vlasi’s view, Kosovo supports this approach more than do the people of Serbia or Vojvodina.

5. Commenting further on Serbian constitutional amendments and in response to questions, Vlasi said that:

— The essential difference between Serbia and the provinces is that Serbia considers such matters as defense, internal security, and judicial/legal system to be classic state functions, and believes that Serbia should have the same authority as other republics in these areas. The provinces, however, believe that they, too, should have certain authority, pointing out that even local municipalities have certain obligations in these areas.

— For the most part, Kosovo and Vojvodina offer identical alternatives to the proposed amendments. One exception is that Vojvodina and Serbia agree on the question of official use of languages in the republic (specifying Serbo-Croatian as the language “in official use” in all Serbia), while Kosovo has particular problems on this issue and is concerned about guaranteeing the “official” status of minority languages, as well. On the other hand, said Vlasi, Kosovo finds it easier than does Vojvodina to accept expanded authority for the republican constitutional and supreme courts. For example, Kosovo believes that, in regard to certain types of criminal acts, citizens of the provinces should have the right to go to the republican supreme court through special legal procedures, but Vojvodina does not agree.

6. Vlasi then discussed briefly the question of Serbian emigration from Kosovo. He pointed out that the ethnic Albanian demonstrations of 1981 had a serious impact on political conditions in the province. They were in part responsible for emigration of Serbs from the region, but there is a historical dimension to this emigration as well. It is not only a recent phenomenon. Though there are various political and economic reasons for Serbian emigration, the process itself is of greatest concern, he said.

7. DAS Simons noted that constitutional amendments will not change the situation, and Vlasi replied that that is indeed the problem. In the current heated atmosphere, an illusion has been created that, if Serbia’s proposed changes are accepted, all the problems of the Serbs will be solved. For their part, Albanians believe that they will lose all their rights if the amendments go through. In Vlasi’s view, some of the changes will help, but will not solve all the problems. “There will not be a new sun the next day,” he concluded.

Vlasi “Fearful” of Reactions to Serb Nationalism

8. DAS Simons raised the point that masses of people have become involved in political debate. Serbian political passions are seen in the streets, he noted, where are Kosovo Albanian political passions? Vlasi responded that there are many different nationalities and historical traditions in Yugoslavia which are now being expressed on a “nationalist” basis. Each nationalism has different political motives and has to be dealt with differently. At such a critical time, he said, it is a “good thing” that Serb and Albanian nationalism are not “flaring up” at the same time. Just now it is the Serbs who are in the streets. “We” in Kosovo fear the reaction to this expression of Serb nationalism, said Vlasi, and “must do all we can” to see that a reaction does not develop. Yugoslavia’s overall situation, especially economic, has caused passions to be inflamed and to come out as nationalist feelings. In Kosovo, the least developed region, these passions are reflected most sharply, Vlasi observed.

9. In the public protest meetings, Vlasi added, “irrational passions” are seen, and the Yugoslav crisis is manifested “in the most severe way.” Slogans backing some leaders and calling for the downfall of others have a “nationalistic” orientation. “We should not have this any longer,” he said. “I don’t hide that we are worried how all this will work out.” (Comment: Vlasi himself has been a prime target of attack in the recent mass gatherings about Kosovo, at which placards urging “down with Vlasi” and even “death to Vlasi” have appeared. End comment.)

10. Asked about whether Serbian constitutional changes will put a stop to the mass meetings, Vlasi said that the protests may stop but their consequences will last. It is a matter beyond the framework of constitutional change. The key to progress, he believes, is at the federal level in terms of economic and political reform and reform of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. Then there will be the pre-conditions for gradual resolution of the crisis. “We in Yugoslavia can overcome the crisis only as a whole; otherwise, there will be no solution.”

11. Vlasi went on to say that it would be “tragic” for Yugoslavia if Kosovo were “sacrificed for the sake of peace.” Despite questions, he avoided specifying just what he had in mind when he mentioned a “sacrifice” of Kosovo. Only superficially is the problem in Kosovo a Serb-Albanian problem, he said. It is really a Yugoslav dilemma, though in sharpest focus in Kosovo.

Vlasi on Human Rights

12. Vlasi noted with satisfaction the “more peaceable” attitude the superpowers are now taking toward problem-solving, and remarked that he thought “hostile attitudes” towards Yugoslavia are now lessened. He hoped that, likewise, militant emigre groups outside of Yugoslavia—Albanians, Serbs, Croats—will be less in evidence. The Ambassador took advantage of this opening to ask Vlasi to comment on charges by Albanian emigres in the United States, who claim that the human and civil rights of Albanians are being systematically violated, and that a process of “genocide” is underway. In reply, Vlasi said he is aware that in politics “repression is not seen favorably.” But because of the weight of the 1981 events and their consequences, repressive measures had to be used in order to prevent “more severe consequences.” “We have now come to a reduction of those measures,” he said.

13. DAS Simons pointed to press reports that 40 people had recently been arrested in Kosovo on charges relating to alleged hostile activity or hostile propaganda (septel).⁴ In this context, he explained that the United States is interested in the human rights situation in Yugoslavia, as part of U.S. global concerns about human rights and because of American interest in Yugoslavia’s continued stability, independence and territorial integrity. In reply, Vlasi said that there may be different understandings of what it means to violate human rights—whether it involves violation of the laws in force in a given country, or violations as perceived by other countries. In Kosovo, he emphasized, the laws have been applied in accordance with the Yugoslav constitution. With reference to the arrest of the 40 individuals, he would say only that the matter is under investigation.

14. As far as charges of genocide of Albanians are concerned, said Vlasi, in Yugoslavia the charges are the other way around—that Albanians are carrying out genocide against Serbs. On both aspects, he remarked, there is a greater impact from public charges about it than from what is actually happening in real life.

15. The Ambassador then raised the question of the approximately 400,000 Albanians living in Macedonia, and their complaint that their human rights are violated by, for example, lack of access to education in Albanian. He referred to remarks Vlasi made in the spring of this year, in Split, critical of the treatment of Albanians in Kosovo (for which Vlasi was in turn criticized by Macedonian officials). Will it be more difficult to solve the nationality problem in Macedonia than it is in Kosovo, the Ambassador asked. In reply, Vlasi focused on the reactions to his remarks in Split about Macedonia. We in Kosovo are not the protectors of Albanians in Macedonia, he acknowledged. But the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Kosovo is required to oversee party policy and its implementation. In the Yugoslav system, the federal level has to look after these things. In his remarks at Split, Vlasi said, he pointed out some questions about the implementation of party policy in Macedonia. “It turned out that I was accused of paternalism.” Vlasi remarked, “but as a member of the Central Committee I have the right to comment on any particular problem in Yugoslavia.”

Meeting With Kosovo Assembly President

16. In a separate meeting with Kosovo Assembly President Jokanovic, the Ambassador and DAS Simons again raised the question of Serbian constitutional amendments, asking in particular how they would affect relations between the Serbian and provincial assemblies. In response, Jokanovic reiterated the belief expressed by Vlasi, that the issues in dispute in amending the Serbian constitution can be overcome. He said he has been personally involved himself, and believes that they “are on the way to agreement.” Regarding the relationship between the assemblies, he said that until now each assembly had been independent in lawmaking. In the constitutional amendments, more cooperation is foreseen in various ways of proposing and considering measures; there has not been good cooperation in the past. Overall, Jokanovic said, the main goal of the amendments is to eliminate deficiencies in the ability of the republic to carry out “necessary functions” throughout the republic, while not changing the autonomous status of the provinces.

17. Despite several questions aimed at identifying just what those “necessary functions” are for the republic, or what elements of autonomy are most important to the provinces, Jokanovic would not be specific. He argued that the basic issues were solved by Article 2 of the Yugoslav constitution, which identifies the autonomous provinces as members of the Yugoslav federation. As long as the federal constitution is such, the essential autonomy of the provinces “cannot be questioned,” he said. The Yugoslav constitution guarantees rights for the provinces in a large number of areas—education, culture, and others. Based on this authority, Kosovo makes its own laws. Kosovo is thus assured a “high level of autonomy—it is not just a formality,” Jokanovic said. Asked whether some authority in public security in the provinces could be given to the republic, Jokanovic replied in the negative. In essence, he said, authority in this area will remain the same, but the matter of addressing security functions will be “interpreted differently.”

Jokanovic on Mass Meetings

18. In a reference to the recent wave of mass gatherings about Kosovo, Jokanovic argued that the two contrasting opinions about amendments to the Serbian constitution are both wrong. On the one hand, the changes will not solve the problems of Kosovo, as some believe. On the other hand, neither will they deprive the provinces of their autonomy. There has been a lot of unnecessary politicalization and speculation, he said. People discuss the issues without ever having read the suggested amendments, yet they think they know the solutions to the problems involved. More must be done to explain the issues to the public. Some people, he went on, are concerned that their rights to use their mother tongue will be abridged by the amendments. But these rights are not at issue at all, he argued. They are firmly established as fundamental rights in Yugoslavia and cannot be questioned. Implementation, of course, is another question, he acknowledged.

19. DAS Simons inquired whether the Serbian constitutional amendment process would be as far as it is, if it had not been for pressure from street demonstrations. Jokanovic agreed that there has been such pressure, but argued that the issues were being worked on even before the demonstrations began. Now, during the current “public discussion” phase of the amendment process, there is a chance to see “what is what” in a “democratic” way. In reply to a question, Jokanovic said that technical-political personnel are involved in the public discussion to explain the amendment, but not to direct peoples’ opinions. He acknowledged that the opportunity to educate people on issues such as this can mean giving direction to their opinions, but affirmed that “we want to explain things honestly.” Much will depend, he said, on the capabilities and good will of those involved in the education process.

20. Asked whether the mass meetings will be coming to an end, Jokanovic expressed his personal belief that “they have started to end.” They should stop, and circumstances are leading to their end, he said. Where such meetings have not yet been held, there will be no preventing them from taking place—including in Belgrade. There, it is only a question of the size of the meeting. Each area wants to express its feelings. But, he said, “I believe that our authorities, from the top down, will lead to an end to the meetings.” (Note: The mass meeting in Belgrade is currently expected to take place October 20, just after the October 17 LCY Plenum.) Elaborating, Jokanovic remarked that “higher authorities” should be more sensitive to people, not only in one area (by implication, in Serbia) but in the whole country (by implication, in Kosovo as well). The mass meetings have begun to serve as a “safety valve” for people to vent their concerns on political and economic problems in the country.

The Karic Brothers

21. At lunch on October 2 in the town of Pec, the Ambassador and DAS Simons spoke with the Karic brothers about current political developments and about their experiences as private entrepreneurs in Kosovo (see also Ref B). The three were not unanimous in their views on political questions. Though they all believe that the proposed amendments to the Serbian constitution will be enacted, the eldest brother expects there will be a negative reaction to this eventuality on the part of the ethnic Albanian population. The youngest brother scorns this view, claiming that “every honest Albanian” will accept the changes. Speaking of the anticipated mass meeting in Belgrade in support of Kosovo Serbs later this month, the eldest reported that now two million participants are expected. (Comment: A month ago, his estimate was “well in excess of 500,000.” End comment.) The eldest also mentioned that employees of the “Braca Karic” enterprise had recently suggested to the Confederation of Trade Unions of Yugoslavia that a brief country-wide strike be held to demonstrate worker solidarity with Kosovo Serbs. This suggestion was rejected, he said, but 30,000 workers in the Serbian town of Valjevo are planning a half-hour strike October 6, to protect general political and economic conditions in the country (septel).⁵

22. Concerning business developments at their firm, the Karic brothers mentioned two new points of particular interest:

— They explained that the enterprise structure includes a workers’ council, trade union members among the workers, and a basic League of Communist organization. They said that they would not have been able to accomplish all they have, going beyond all the limits on private enterprise activities, if they had not been willing to cooperate in the formation of a basic party organization in the firm.

— They are optimistic about removal of restrictions on private enterprise through the federal constitutional amendment in process, including the elimination of any limit on the number of employees a private business can have. They claim that, in going beyond current restrictions themselves, they have provided a model for the future of private enterprise in Yugoslavia.

— In reply to a question about the ethnic makeup of their 320-person work force in Pec, they said that it is roughly 50–50 Serb and Albanian. (Comment: Although the Karic brothers are proud of their good record in terms of ethnic relations among the work force, ethnic Albanians may be under-represented among their employees. According to official statistics given us previously, the population of the Pec area was about 72 percent Albanian in 1981. That percentage is probably considerably higher by now, since Albanians are estimated currently to account for about 90 percent of the population of Kosovo. End comment.)

President of Kosovo Writers Society

23. Over dinner, the Ambassador and DAS Simons spoke with Kosovo Writers’ Society President Rugova, Director of the Albanian Studies Institute in Pristina. Rugova’s field is literary criticism, and he has published works on 16th to 19th century Albanian-language literature. Rugova pressed the point that Albanians have from ancient times inhabited the Kosovo area. This has been established by scientific research and is accepted in Western European academic circles. Nevertheless, he noted, this fact is forgotten as Serbs today press what they consider their historical claim to authority in Kosovo.

24. In reply to questions about what aspects of autonomy are of greatest importance to Kosovo Albanians, Rugova focused on cultural questions. In his view, it is most important for Albanians to protect their education and cultural rights in the course of the Serbian constitutional amendment process.

25. Comment: In a separate meeting with Rugova a few days earlier, EmbOff raised the question of ethnic Albanian political prisoner Adem Demaqi, a Kosovo writer who has been imprisoned for about 23 years and is frequently the subject of interest on the part of Yugoslav and Western human rights circles. Rugova said he is aware of the case, but “because of conditions here” Albanian intellectuals have not been able to speak out about Demaqi. In a May meeting in Belgrade between the Serbian Writers’ Association and Albanian writers from Kosovo, however, Rugova had been more outspoken about the general political situation in Kosovo province. As reported in the Belgrade news magazine “Nin” at that time, Rugova in a speech criticized Serbian strategy on Kosovo as “anti-Albanian” and as a revival of repressive measures applied against Albanians in Kosovo in the 1950’s and 1960’s. Only since 1966 he reportedly said, have Albanians enjoyed national, civic, cultural and economic rights at a higher level. But now Serbs and Montenegrins, whose authority dominated in an earlier period, do not want to be a part of current trends, “because they have lost their privileges and do not accept the new situation,” Rugova charged. End comment.

Scanlan

1. Source: Department of State, Records from Ambassador Thomas W. Simons, Jr., Lot 03 D 256, Chron, October 1988. Confidential; Immediate. Sent Priority for information to Zagreb, Eastern European posts, the mission to NATO, and Vienna.
2. Telegram 9772 from Belgrade, October 4, reported that the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia had approved draft amendments to the Serbian constitution. (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880884–0927)
3. Telegram 8784 from Belgrade, September 6, reported on the Ambassador’s visit to Kosovo, which was rife with ethnic divisions. (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880788–0620)
4. This information was conveyed to the Department in telegram 9813 from Belgrade, October 5. (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880890–0728)
5. This information was conveyed to the Department in telegram 9970 from Belgrade, October 11. (Department of State, Central Foreign Policy File, D880903–0365)