190. Letter From Yugoslav President Mijatovic to President Reagan1

Dear Mr. President,

Allow me, first of all, to express my sincere pleasure that you have resumed your responsible duties in full measure, following a swift and successful recovery.2

As you may know, Mr. President, I recently visited a number of countries in Southeast Africa, where I held exhaustive talks with Presidents Kaunda, Nyerere and Banana and with Prime Minister Mugabe. I would like to acquaint you in this letter with the impressions I gained during and my assessments of that trip.

The talks we conducted in these countries have convinced us that the basic preoccupations shared by Zambia, Tanzania and Zimbabwe are the strengthening not only of their own independence and genuine nonalignment, but of the independence, nonalignment and stability of the entire region. I hope you will agree with the view held by the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia that these aims are in conformity with the broader interest of the international community.

It is within the context of these aspirations that the aforementioned countries also view the solution of the problem of Namibia’s independence. This has become a key issue which, depending on the way in which it is solved, may either facilitate or render more difficult the maintenance of stability and the strengthening of independence in the region.

Our counterparts voiced great concern over the unfavourable developments regarding the right of Namibia to a life in freedom and to independence and, likewise, over the looming danger of a new crisis involving Angola.

In the talks with President Nyerere, for instance, the concern was particularly expressed that the present position assumed by the western countries concerned with regard to Namibia’s independence could encourage South Africa to obstruct and reverse the process of granting Namibia independence. President Nyerere put forward strong [Page 521] arguments regarding the need to observe United Nations Resolution 435,3 which calls for free elections for a parliament which, in turn, would draft and promulgate the constitution of independent Namibia. We also share the anxiety that insistence on an opposite process would be conducive to the perpetuation of Namibia’s colonial status, in particular at a moment when the decolonization process under way is nearing its successful conclusion.

Our counterparts are inclined to believe that if the western countries continue to maintain their present attitude towards the problem of Namibia’s independence, this will inevitably result in profound differences and may even increase the danger of confrontation with African countries which consider Namibia’s independence to be of vital importance in terms of their own national security.

I think it is appropriate, Mr. President, to convey to you that the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia shares these concerns, all the more so as the outcome of the recent session of the Security Council has augmented the already existing uncertainty.

We are of the opinion that the present course of events further complicates the situation from which, if continued, it will be more difficult to find a way out. On the other hand, ensuring the genuine independence of Namibia, in accordance with the legitimate aspirations of its people, would make it possible for free Namibia to settle in an appropriate manner its internal problems and to consolidate its international position, as is being done by independent Zimbabwe, and, thus, to pursue a truly independent policy.

We have noted the statements issued by the United States of America and other western countries in favour of Namibia’s independence. We find this encouraging. It strengthens our belief that you will express understanding for the points of view on this important problem which I have outlined.

Mr. President,

As I mentioned before, the leaders of all three countries expressed in the course of the talks their deep anxiety over the possible danger of Angola becoming once again the scene of a wider conflict in case military support and arms supplies are provided to UNITA. In their opinion, this would lead to an overall destabilization of the entire region of southern Africa and its entanglement in a long-term bloc confrontation, which would have an adverse effect on international relations as a whole.

I would like to draw your attention to the strong arguments expressed by President Kaunda in support of the need for the legality [Page 522] of the People’s Republic of Angola to be fully honored. This subject was also discussed by him with your envoy, Mr. Crocker.4

We believe that the international community’s efforts should ultimately be directed towards the consolidation of an independent and nonaligned Angola, capable of ensuring its own security without a foreign presence. In this sense we would regard as a positive development the termination of South Africa’s occupation of Namibia, and the discontinuation of the persistent aggressive acts committed by that country against its neighbours.

We are convinced that this is the right way to strengthen the genuine nonalignment of countries in the South of Africa and, thereby, their independence. We believe that in this way, broader and more stable prospects would emerge for useful cooperation among the independent countries of southern Africa, and all other countries, including those of the West, whose economic and technological assistance the former urgently need for their development.

Mr. President,

We believe that these views deserve your attention and would greatly appreciate your opinions regarding the questions I have outlined in this letter.

I take this opportunity to express the satisfaction of the Yugoslav leadership over the development of friendly Yugoslav-American relations and to stress our wish for their continued successful development on the basis of mutual respect and equality, and in the interest of better understanding and broader cooperation in the world as a whole.

Please accept, dear Mr. President, the assurances of the high esteem of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as well as my own best regards.

Cvijetin Mijatovic (Sgd.)5
  1. Source: Reagan Library, Executive Secretariat, NSC Head of State File, Yugoslavia: President Mijatovic (8102745). No classification marking. Bremer sent Allen on June 25 a proposed response to Mijatovic’s letter, but there is no indication that a final version was sent. (Ibid.)
  2. Reference is to the attempted assassination of Reagan on March 30.
  3. The text of the resolution is printed in the UN Yearbook, 1978, pp. 915–916.
  4. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs-designate Chester Crocker.
  5. Printed from a copy with this typed signature.