The “source” appears to be a reasonably good listener and reporter,
although he also appears to have “ego” problems quite similar to that
[Page 180]
of Benes.4 It is difficult, if not impossible, to evaluate an
anonymous source after a single report. I have asked the FBI if they would disclose the identity of
the source, and I will then try to determine, through my own sources,
his credibility. If he is a perceptive and observant reporter, there is
no reason why we should not use him in the same way that Castro uses
him—to ask questions and extract information; and to convey a mood,
which would be designed to keep Castro off balance and uncertain of our
actions and intentions. On this point, I disagree with State, which
apparently feels that it is better for us to convey our intentions and
actions clearly to Castro in order to avoid misunderstandings. I believe
that it would be better for us if Castro was uncertain about what we had
in mind, and perhaps even a little fearful about what we might do.
(S)
Attachment
Report Prepared in the Federal Bureau of
Investigation5
RE
- Foreign Political Matters—Cuba
The following information is classified secret in its entirety,
except where marked “U” for unclassified.
The source of the following information has previously been in
contact with this Bureau, but has furnished insufficient information
as to judge reliability. The trip by the source to Cuba has been
verified. (C)
Source attended the University of Havana from 1948 to 1955, and
advised that he developed a close personal friendship with FIDEL
CASTRO during and following their respective days at the University
of Havana. Source, who describes himself as an active revolutionary
from 1948 to 1961 when he fled to the United States, advised that he
[Page 181]
and CASTRO followed
different revolutionary and ideological paths, but acted in concert
fighting first the PRIO Government and then the BATISTA regime. In
1949, Source claimed [1½ lines not
declassified] CASTRO was to return to Cuba and launch his
infamous attack on Moncada in 1953. Again CASTRO fled Cuba, this
time to Mexico. Source married in December, 1955, went to Mexico on
his honeymoon, and according to Source, [1½ lines
not declassified] As the revolution intensified with
CASTRO’s return to Cuba from Mexico in 1956, Source aligned himself
with ELOY GUTIERREZ MENOYO, who commanded rebel forces called the
Second National Front of the Escambray. In 1958, Source claimed he
contacted the U.S. Embassy in Havana to warn the United States that
CASTRO’s group was dominated by communists and to seek United States
support for GUTIERREZ MENOYO’s group over CASTRO. When CASTRO seized
power in 1959, Source, as did other factions, supported CASTRO’s
revolution [1 line not declassified] As the
CASTRO revolution became more and more communistic, Source began to
oppose CASTRO and in September, 1960, he was removed [less than 1 line not declassified] for
denouncing communism and the communists in CASTRO’s Government.
Source went underground rejoining GUTIERREZ MENOYO’s group. Fearing
arrest, Source, GUTIERREZ MENOYO, and 17 others fled Cuba and
arrived in the United States on January 26, 1961.
On November 16, 1979, Source furnished the following information on a
confidential basis and not to be disclosed outside official U.S.
Government channels:
Travel to Cuba
Source travelled to Cuba during the period November 8–11, 1979, [1 line not declassified] It was his first
visit to Cuba since 1961.
Source arrived in Havana on a chartered Lear jet at 9:00 AM,
Thursday, November 8, 1979. He was met at the airport by CARLOS
ALFONSO, the President of Havanatur, S.A. (the Cuban controlled
Panamanian travel agency and the only agency authorized by the Cuban
Government to operate Cuban exile tours from the United States to
Cuba). ALFONSO took care of Source’s immigration and customs
formalities. A driver and a late model Mercedes sedan were placed at
his disposal.
Source was driven to and lodged in an area once known as the Country
Club section of Havana where heads of state and delegates to the
1979 Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
Summit Conference were lodged. Situated nearby was the pre-CASTRO
Biltmore Country Club and the newly constructed palace where the
NAM Summit was held.
At his quarters, Source was greeted by CASTRO aide (Colonel) JOSE
LUIS PADRON, who asked Source who he would like to see.
[Page 182]
Source asked to see only
two persons, JOSE RAMON MACHADO VENTURA, and an old friend, ALFREDO
GUEVARA VALDES.
MACHADO is a member of the Cuban Communist Party Politburo,
Secretariat, and Central Committee. He is also a member of the Cuban
Government’s Council of State. According to Source, MACHADO is the
Chief Organizer/Administrator of the Party.
GUEVARA is reportedly a Vice Minister of the Ministry of Culture.
According to Source, GUEVARA oversees Cuba’s film industry/institute
and has recently been placed in charge of plans to preserve the
section in Havana called Old Havana.
Source made one additional request to PADRON, and that was for a
comprehensive listing of books published in Cuba from which list he
would be permitted to buy what he wanted. (A listing was furnished
to Source two days later and Source bought five books.)
For lunch that first day, PADRON told Source that (Brigadier General)
JOSE ABRAHANTES (Vice Minister for Security) would like to have
lunch with him. Source agreed and ABRAHANTES appeared within an
hour. Source advised that he and ABRAHANTES [2
lines not declassified] They had a polite and social lunch.
According to Source, ABRAHANTES made no attempt to interrogate him
or to engage in a give-and-take discussion about the Cuban exile
community in Miami, its leaders, or Source’s role and influence.
Source surmised that ABRAHANTES chose not to discuss Cuban exile
matters for professional reasons, i.e., to avoid the danger that a
man in his position would probably give up more information than he
could gain.
During his lunch with ABRAHANTES, ANTONIO (TONY) DE LA GUARDIA, an associate of JOSE LUIS
PADRON, arrived. According to Source, PADRON and DE LA GUARDIA are well known up-and-coming
members of the next generation of Cuban leaders. After lunch, DE
LA GUARDIA took Source on a tour
of the area and the former Biltmore Country Club where today Cuban
athletes and gifted children are trained and educated.
At approximately 4:00 PM, that first
day, JOSE RAMON MACHADO VENTURA, supra, arrived. Source advised that
MACHADO had been a medical student at the University of Havana
during the period circa 1952–1957. Despite widespread radical
opposition to BATISTA by university students and repression of
students by BATISTA at that time, MACHADO remained completely
non-political. However, on March 13, 1957, according to Source,
MACHADO did him a favor by taking in and treating a sick
revolutionary friend of Source. This act and contact with two
“revolutionaries” fighting the BATISTA regime politicized MACHADO
and, despite his medical background, MACHADO joined the growing
revolution against the BATISTA regime. Today, according to Source,
MACHADO is the Chief
[Page 183]
Administrator of the Communist Party of Cuba. Source characterized
MACHADO as a hard working individual completely immersed in his work
without conviction. In Source’s opinion, MACHADO does not have a
drop of communism or Marxism in his blood. The reason for his
position is that he is an excellent organizer, which was
demonstrated when he was in charge of the reorganization of the
medical and health system under CASTRO. It is Source’s overall
opinion that the Cuban Government is Castroism and that Cuba’s
communist political system is a sham.
At approximately 7:00 PM, that first
day, his old friend, ALFREDO GUEVARA, supra, arrived and they
reminisced about family and friends. Source advised that GUEVARA has
no influence within CASTRO’s ruling circle.
On Friday, November 9, 1979, Source spent the day sightseeing and
waiting for CASTRO’s call for their private meeting. That night he
diplomatically informed JOSE LUIS PADRON that his meeting with
CASTRO had to take place within the next 24 hours because he had to
get back to Miami no later than Saturday night. PADRON called him
late Friday night explaining that CASTRO was tied up in a meeting
since 3:00 PM that day.
On Saturday, November 10, 1979, Source was informed by PADRON that
CASTRO would see him at 1:00 PM that
day, alone. At 1:00 PM sharp,
ABRAHANTES arrived and said that CASTRO was waiting. ABRAHANTES
drove Source to the palace. ABRAHANTES had a gun openly displayed in
his car. His car was a simple Russian made Lada with no air
conditioning. There were no bodyguards with or following ABRAHANTES.
He drove no differently than the common driver in Havana. Judging
from the people who recognized ABRAHANTES as he drove by, Source
surmised that ABRAHANTES regularly drives himself about in the same
car and without bodyguards.
At the palace, while exiting the elevator leading to CASTRO’s office,
Source observed “PEPIN” NARANJO, who Source characterized as
CASTRO’s Chief of Staff.
Four Hour Meeting With Castro
CASTRO was standing away from his desk when Source was ushered in. He
politely greeted Source and led him to two chairs situated away from
CASTRO’s presidential desk which Source interpreted as a signal that
their meeting was to be informal. The only other person in the room
was ABRAHANTES, who had pulled up a chair at a discreet distance,
but within earshot of the ensuing conversation.
CASTRO began by asking Source about his well being and his
family.
CASTRO was keenly interested in the 1980 presidential election in the
United States, solicited Source’s views on the CARTER versus
[Page 184]
KENNEDY battle, and asked
if in the final analysis President CARTER would be reelected. CASTRO solicited Source’s
views on KENNEDY’s position on various political and economic
matters and was most inquisitive about details concerning KENNEDY’s
Chappaquiddick incident. On the other hand, CASTRO asked Source
about the possibility of a Republican Party candidate winning the
election.
CASTRO was very inquisitive about Source’s business, personal income,
and the United States income tax system. At CASTRO’s prodding,
Source explained in detail to CASTRO the United States tax system,
both business and personal. CASTRO acted surprised that Source paid
$40,000 in personal income taxes on a personal gross income of
$100,000. Source pointed out to CASTRO that because of his
background and notoriety, he paid his personal taxes above board to
avoid any problems with the U.S. Government. CASTRO contrasted the
same $100,000 gross personal income against most European tax
systems indicating that although a tax of $40,000 on $100,000 was
very high in his opinion, it was not nearly as high as it would be
in most European countries.
On the Soviet troop issue, CASTRO told Source that Soviet troops had
been dispatched to Cuba during the 1962 missile crisis and that he
had asked the Soviets to keep the troops in Cuba as a guarantee that
the United States would not invade Cuba. CASTRO told Source that
since 1962, there has been no substantial change in the composition
or mission of the Soviet troop detachment in Cuba. CASTRO stressed
that the Soviet troops in Cuba are under the complete control of the
Cuban Government and that they can do nothing without the consent of
the Cuban Government.
CASTRO told Source that he believes that there are people in the U.S.
Government who are stumbling blocks to the lifting of the trade
embargo and to normalization of relations. CASTRO cited national
security adviser ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI as the principal stumbling
block.
CASTRO told Source that the United States charge that the Cuban
Government had trained and directed the invasion of Shaba Province
(in southern Zaire by Katangan rebels based in Angola during May,
1978) was not true. CASTRO told Source that he had dispatched a
private message to President CARTER in advance of the invasion telling President
CARTER that the invasion
was imminent.
CASTRO told Source that he personally urged Panama’s OMAR TORRIJOS to
sign the Panama Canal Treaty as written.
CASTRO told Source that Cuba supported and assisted the Sandinista
Revolution in Nicaragua. On the other hand, CASTRO claimed that Cuba
was/is responsible for influencing the Sandinista ruling junta to
“moderate” the revolution, i.e. setting a moderate course in
carrying
[Page 185]
out the final
stages of the revolution and in implementing the policies of the new
(Sandinista) Nicaraguan Revolutionary Government. CASTRO told Source
that had he wanted to, he could have really “screwed up” the
Nicaraguan situation in terms of violence before and after the
downfall of the Somoza Government (and perhaps with respect to the
membership and policies of the ruling Sandinista junta that emerged
following Somoza’s downfall).
CASTRO asked Source how much he paid for electricity in the United
States and asked questions in general about the growing cost of
electricity in the United States. CASTRO told Source that Cuba was
building a nuclear power station and that in his opinion, nuclear
energy was the only foreseeable solution to the world’s energy
problem. CASTRO acted dumbfounded at the growing anti-nuclear
movement in the United States and asked Source how the United States
was going to solve the problem of nuclear energy vis-a-vis the
anti-nuclear movement.
CASTRO did not discuss the origins of his African policies, but did
point out to Source, particularly with respect to Angola, that Cuban
troops and technicians would remain in Angola and that he would not
pull them out without the concurrence of the Angolan Government.
CASTRO maintained that Angola cannot function without Cuban
assistance to the point that the Cubans have to drive buses in
Angola because the Angolans cannot manage that simple mechanical
task themselves. CASTRO indicated that Cuba is striving to make
Angola self-supporting, a policy somewhat akin to the goals of the
American Vietnamization Program in Vietnam. African students on the
Isle of Pines in Cuba are there with this objective in mind—to
educate and train them to achieve a self-supporting home
country.
Concerning the political prisoner release program, CASTRO told Source
that all political prisoners that are to be released under the
announced program have been released (3,600 according to published
figures in the news media). CASTRO indicated that the political
prisoner release program was announced and completed without a
response by/from the U.S. Government. CASTRO told Source that
(because of a lack of response from the United States) the remaining
political prisoners will not be released for they now represent
“cards” for future negotiations with the United States.
On the subject of the recently concluded 6th Non-Aligned Summit
Conference in Cuba and CASTRO’s assumed leadership of the NAM during the next three years,
CASTRO and Source both agreed that despite views to the contrary,
CASTRO and Cuba have less flexibility in carrying out Cuban policies
abroad because CASTRO now has the added burden of “consulting” with
member NAM Governments.
[Page 186]
Observations
According to Source, at no time before or while in Cuba was he told
by CASTRO or his aides why CASTRO wanted to see him. In Source’s
opinion, this is another trial balloon launched by CASTRO to open a
sincere channel of communication between Cuba and the U.S.
Government. Source surmises that others, particularly Miami banker
[Omission is in the original], have failed to establish a meaningful
third party dialogue between Cuba and the United States, i.e. that
[Omission is in the original] is perhaps misunderstood or viewed
with skepticism by U.S. Government officials with whom [Omission is
in the original] discusses his meetings with CASTRO. Source believes
that he is one of a select few who knows and understands CASTRO and
more importantly that he is a person who cannot be manipulated or
fooled by CASTRO and CASTRO knows this. Source therefore believes
that he can more adequately explain and interpret the substances and
nuances of CASTRO’s conversations, his views, and policies.
In a discussion regarding CASTRO’s past and future intentions in
Central and South America, Source retorted that according to his
sources, Mexico, with its newly discovered energy resources, has
laid claim to Central and South America as its sole sphere of
influence. Source’s sources informed him that CASTRO’s recent
meeting with the President of Mexico was called for by the President
of Mexico for that very reason—to put CASTRO on notice that Central
and South America were Mexico’s exclusive sphere of influence and
that CASTRO was to limit his sphere of influence to the
Caribbean.
Source advised that CASTRO appeared to be physically well, however,
his skin appeared to be unusually pale in color despite CASTRO’s
claim that he regularly jogs and swims to keep fit. CASTRO indicated
that at age 53, he intends to slow down (he did not indicate under
doctor’s orders) and conduct matters of state in a more tranquil
manner. The subject of tranquillity surfaced during their discussion
of the upcoming 1980 presidential election in the United States.
Source pointed out and cautioned CASTRO that Cuba was likely to be a
campaign issue and that CASTRO should understand American politics
and not be drawn into responding to the Cuban issue each and every
time the issue was raised; to do so would be foolhardy and never
ending. Among CASTRO’s parting comments to Source was that he was
going to follow his advice and be “tranquilo” towards any campaign
rhetoric about Cuba.
The information furnished by our Source is sensitive and singular in
nature. No dissemination may be made outside of your headquarters
without the prior concurrence of this Bureau.
