289. Letter From Egyptian President Sadat to President Carter1
In keeping with our tradition of consultation on all matters of common interest, I have asked Vice President Mubarak to see you2 and discuss with you a few issues that would interest you. I have no doubt that this practice would cement our relations which are already a model to be envied by many nations. The commitments we share are so vital, not only to the promotion of stronger ties between our two countries and people, but also for the maintenance of world peace and security.
As you well know, the Middle East is still witnessing much turmoil because of the events which are taking place at the instigation of outsiders. The situation in Morocco is a case in point. Thousands of foreign soldiers are being amassed near the border between Algeria and Morocco and used in combat. The purpose is not only to topple the [Page 931] moderate regime of King Hassan, but also to tip the strategic balance in the entire area. It is an undisputed fact that Algeria has renounced any territorial claim in the Sahara. The late President Boumedienne stated that in the most unequivocal terms at the Arab Summit held in Rabat in 1974. Therefore, the reopening of the issue at this point and the introduction of more tension and violence should be attributed to another factor, namely foreign intervention. It is mainly for this reason that we have responded positively3 and without delay to King Hassan’s request for military assistance despite his government’s acquiescence to the unprincipled policy of Arab rejectionists. Within two days from his request, Morocco received some badly needed light arms and ammunition. We are currently reviewing with them other requests for defense material.
The situation in the horn of Africa is also a source of concern. The Soviets are trying to consolidate their grip on Ethiopia and South Yemen, thus threatening the Sudan and the Arab Peninsula. The use of Cuban soldiers and East German experts is growing steadily. Other countries in the region are watching these developments with apprehension.
On the other hand, both Iran and Afganistan are witnessing upheavals that border on civil war. The situation there requires vigilance and scrutiny. It is an aggravating factor to many governments, especially those of the Gulf-States where any degree of tension is apt to increase the sense of uncertainty and insecurity that is in existence already.
I believe that these events and any other developments which may take place in the future can be confronted effectively however alarming they might be. I believe that the Egyptian people, with their inherent moral and spiritual strength, together with their resourcefulness and historic awareness, are most capable of bearing that responsibility. We have a bright record of struggling against adverse influence in the most difficult circumstances.
When it becomes an established fact that Egypt is strong enough militarily, the forces of aggression and subversion are deterred. A greater measure of stability occurs. Both of us would avoid many complications which would have consumed much of our energy and resources. I have no doubt that this is your reading of the geopolitical realities involved. It is incumbent upon us to increase our preparedness to meet such situations before it becomes too late. We can not wait and [Page 932] see because the other side is seizing every opportunity to be on the offensive all the time.
On the other hand, enhancing our defense capabilities and raising the standard of our armed forces is an important element domestically as well. These forces are called upon to perform many functions for improving the quality of life in Egypt. To fulfill this mission, these forces must acquire the latest technology in many fields. We need your help in this respect. Your assistants have been cooperative and sensitive to our needs. They see the situation and read the consequences the same way we do. Their Egyptian colleagues are cooperating with them fully. Exhaustive studies have been made and I believe that we are approaching the final decision on the issue. I have asked Vice President Mubarak to render you any assistance as you make the decision. He is accompanied by competent officers representing the three branches of our armed forces and they are instructed to cooperate fully with your officials. I have no doubt whatsoever that you make the decision that would reassure us and all your friends, not only in the Middle East, but also in Africa. I need not emphasize to you the necessity for making a long term arrangement for maintaining our military capability.
Other aspects of the bilateral cooperation are proceeding smoothly too. In the economic field, a marked improvement has taken place. Matters are settled expeditiously and promptly. Necessary adjustments are being made at the request of both parties. We have requested an increase of half a million tons in the amount of wheat and wheat flour we get under PL480. Vice President Mubarak will discuss this matter with Secretary Vance and I am certain that you would be most responsive to this request. You are aware of the considerations which prompt us to request this increase. It is so vital, under the present circumstances, to fulfill our needs in this regard. Machinery and other commodities are equally important to give our economy the shot in the arm it needs. As you know, we have been able to keep our economy in good shape in the face of all odds and despite tough challenges. We are determined to persevere.
The Sudan requires your attention too. Subversive intervention, conducted by the Soviets and executed by the Libyan unenlightened regime, is confronting the Sudanese leadership with a tremendous challenge. The country is unable to cope with inflation and the scarcity of many vital commodities. Naturally, this constitutes an element of pressure on President Numeiri and his colleagues. Arab countries which traditionally assisted that country are now withholding their aid to force the regime to follow their line of policy. Under such circumstances, you would certainly give the Sudan a high priority among the recipients of your aid.
Having said that, I would like to share with you some thoughts on the peace efforts we have started together since we met in Washington [Page 933] in the early days of your administration.4 You know that I went to Haifa5 mainly to consolidate the steps we have taken and encourage the Israelis to take a more responsive attitude with respect to the Palestinian question. Noticing that Prime Minister Begin was not in good health, I deemed it more suitable to persuade him without resort to overt pressure or confrontation. I have put you fully in the picture on what took place during my visit in the oral message I sent you upon my return.6 Therefore, I will confine myself to some extra remarks.
By and large, I found the Israelis in a more relaxed mood. As the peace process is moving ahead, more barriers are falling everyday. They have become more secure and hopeful of the future and less suspicious of others. This is precisely what I expected and worked for. I believe that, as we proceed further, the atmosphere will improve considerably. In due course, we will achieve our goal.
As expected, Prime Minister Begin reiterated his views on the Palestinian self-government issue and Jerusalem. However, I made it crystal clear to him that any attempt on their part to prolong the status quo on the West Bank and Gaza, even under disguise, will not work. I also emphasized to him the inevitability of making a compromise on Jerusalem along the points I stated. The Muslims of the World, who number about 800 millions and many Christians in all four corners of the globe can not tolerate the present situation. The answer is to apply our formula which calls for restoring Arab sovereignty to East Jerusalem while keeping the City united in every sense.
I told him that, as a first step and without prejudging the issue, the Palestinian inhabitants of East Jerusalem should participate in the election of the self-governing authority. On the other hand, that government should be given a real jurisdiction that transcends that of local governments. In the absence of that, we will not be able to attract any Palestinians to the peace process and, hence, the issue will remain unsolved to the detriment of all parties.
As I did in my public statements, I indicated to Begin that the realization of the rights of the Palestinian people does not jeopardize Israeli security. This was a recurrent theme in my speeches and I believe that it will bear fruit in time.
One should not be pessimistic on the chances of reeducating the Israelis on that issue however difficult that task might appear.
[Page 934]We discussed briefly the bilateral outstanding issues and there was no problem which we could not solve. As I informed you in my oral message,7 we reached agreement that Egypt will sell Israel 2 million tons of crude oil annually at the market price. I indicated to him that we can not possibly give Israel any preferential treatment in this respect as we can not discriminate between oil buyers.
With respect to the forces that would supervise the implementation of the Peace Treaty on the ground, we agreed tentatively on the general outline of a formula that could be employed until the United States forms the multinational force provided for in the Treaty. I made it quite clear to him that an American participation in this transitional arrangement would be very helpful. Of course, we do not mean to [initiate?] a physical American involvement that would cause you the slightest trouble. It is a symbolic presence through a limited number of officers, possibly in civilian cloth. At any rate, the subject will be discussed in length between Secretary Vance, General Ali and Dayan within a few days.8 I have no doubt that they will be able to reach agreement.
Prime Minister Begin offered to put forward the date of Israeli withdrawal from the Saint Katherine area which contains Mount Moses. Their forces will withdraw from that area before November 19 so as to enable us to hold the planned celebration of the second Anniversary of my trip to Jerusalem.9 I agreed to allow the flow of tourist into this area without delay as a gesture of good will.
I was quite touched by the response of the people of Haifa to my visit. It was overwhelming. This is a real guarantee for the coronation of our efforts. The Arab Israelis were also forthcoming and enthusiastic. They constitute a considerable proportion of the population in the City and its vicinity. They understand fully the nature of the situation and the peace process. I believe that they can be a positive force for peace. With this in mind, I have agreed to provide them with some cultural services they badly need since they were cut off from the Arab World for over three decades. It might interest you to know that they are very appreciative of your spirit and the role you are playing as the leader of a nation they greatly admire.
With best wishes and regards.10
- Source: Carter Library, National Security Affairs, Brzezinski Material, President’s Correspondence with Foreign Leaders File, Box 5, Egypt: President Anwar al-Sadat, 1–12/79. No classification marking.↩
- See Document 293.↩
- On September 1, Sadat offered aid to the Moroccan military in its ongoing campaign against the Polisario Front in Western Sahara. (Edward Cody, “Sadat Offers Morocco Arms to Fight Rebels in Sahara,” The Washington Post, September 2, 1979, p. A32)↩
- For the records of Sadat’s April 1977 meetings with Carter held in Washington, see Foreign Relations, 1977–1981, vol. VIII, Arab-Israeli Dispute, January 1977–August 1978, Documents 25 and 27.↩
- For Begin’s and Sadat’s assessments of their talks at Haifa, see Document 288 and footnote 2 thereto.↩
- See Document 288.↩
- See Document 288.↩
- See Document 295.↩
- See footnote 3, Document 4.↩
- Sadat added the following handwritten notation: “Jehan joins me in sending Rosalin and the children all our best wishes.”↩