Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–12, Documents on East and Southeast Asia, 1973–1976

225. Memorandum of Conversation, Washington, June 30, 1976, 10:30 a.m.¹ ²

Washington, June 30, 1976, 10:30 a.m.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Memorandum of Conversation

DATE: June 30, 1976
Oval Office
10:30 a.m.

SUBJECT: Prime Minister Miki Call on President Ford

PARTICIPANTS:

• President Gerald Ford
• Secretary Henry A. Kissinger
• Mr. Brent Scowcroft
• Under Secretary Habib
• Ambassador James Hodgson
• James J. Wickel(Interpreter)
• Prime Minister Takeo Miki
• Foreign Minister Kiichi Miyazawa
• Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Toshiki Kaifu
• Deputy Vice-Minister Bunrokur Yoshino
• Ambassador Fumihiko Togo
• Ryu Yamazaki (Interpreter)

President: Mr. Prime Minister it gives me great pleasure to welcome you to the United States again. We believe that Japan’s participation was a helpful contribution to the Puerto Rico conference. Have the press been favorable in Japan?

Miki: Thank you for your kind remarks, Mr. President. The reaction in Japan has been good. Originally, there was some feeling that the conference would be a political show, but the importance of the conference gradually came to be realized. The press reports were favorable.

This conference, held in Puerto Rico at your initiative, was more relaxed than Rambouillet. Its significance was that it provided us an opportunity to identify and discuss the problem we face , and thus deepen our mutual understanding I appreciated your initiative in calling this conference and the considerate arrangements you made in hosting it. I supported your suggestion that we take the opportunity to discuss, in advance, the kinds of problems that might affect our societies, not in the near-term, but in the future.

President: We are grateful for your invitation to hold the next conference in the Pacific.

Miki: We will need your support to bring it about.

President: Right.

Miki: It is a deep honor for me to take this opportunity to reiterate the heartfelt congratulations of the Government and people of Japan to you and through you, Mr. President, to the people of the United States on the occasion of your Bicentennial. The ideals of the founding fathers are unique, and represent an asset not only for the people of the United States but for all mankind. The celebration of your Bicentennial serves to remind us all of those ideals, which have had such a great influence on strengthening democracy around the world.

President: An elaborate number of significant events have boon planned to celebrate the Bicentennial between July 2 and July 5, in Philadelphia, Valley Forge, Monticello, and many here in Washington. We believe these will provide psychological uplift for us all. I understand there are 30,000 individual projects in the United States, which have been planned and are being carried out in 13,000 communities. Our Bicentennial is a great event, and I think it is significant that so many celebrations have been planned in so many of our local communities.

Miki: The whole world should celebrate your Bicentennial, as welt as the United states. As this great nation, the United States, moves into its third century I hope it will continue to contribute to the peace and prosperity of the world. As you may have heard, we, too, have planned some Bicentennial celebrations in Japan.

Hodgson: Mr. President, the Prime Minister is being entirely too modest. I have been participating in one event each day for the past two months, and on July 4 and 5 I will be kept busy from morning until 11:00 p.m., participating in one event each hour. There is an enormous outpouring of enthusiasm for the Bicentennial in Japan.

Miki: I hope that you will continue to place equal emphasis at home and abroad on the founding principles of equality and liberty, to help meet the aspirations of the people of the world for peace and a better standard of living. Democracy faces many challenges, from the left and from the right, but I believe we share common political ideals and a deep commitment to preserve liberal democracy. We also share a number of problems, at home and abroad, which we can resolve by putting our heads together.

President: Think you for your kind words about our nation, and the points you made about our basic dedication to the ideals of the founding fathers. These principles have survived well in the United States, and will continue to be fundamental to our future. Japan, and other nations, have helped spread them throughout the world.

I was glad to hear that Ambassador Hodgson Keeps busy. We believe he is doing a good job. He works hard. We think he represents the United States to Japan well. Thank you, Jim, and please keep up the good work.

Mr. Prime Minister, may I ask for your comments? We had a unique opportunity last year to bring our two nations together with my visit to Japan and the visit to the United States by Their Majesties the Emperor and Empress. We believe the relations between our two countries are good. Please take the initiative to raise any points you believe we should discuss, to help us try to understand each other better.

Miki: I had an audience with Their Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, a few days before departing for the United States. Both Their Majesties spoke repeatedly of the unforgettable memories of their memorable visit to the United States, and both asked that I convey their warmest regards to you.

President: Please express to Their Majesties the gratitude of Mrs. Ford and me for their coming to the United States. The American people enjoyed having them, not just in Washington, but in many other communities across the United States.

Miki: I will be pleased to convey your regards to Their Majesties.

As you noted there are few problems between Japan and the United States. None of them are major.

However, there are some I wish to take up.

First, may I express my appreciation for your cooperation on the Lockheed problem. With your cooperation, the Japanese prosecutors have come to Los Angeles, to have their rogatories presented to American witnesses. The United States judicial authorities are making an effort to conduct the rogatory as soon as possible, but we have only reached the starting point of this procedure, and have not yet been able to get any statements from the American witnesses.

I believe there are two points to keep in mind in resolving the Lockheed affair. First, this would provide an opportunity to restore the faith of the people in politics in Japan. Second, in dealing with this unfortunate problem, we should not allow any harm, real or imagined, to affect Japan-United States relations. With these two goals in mind, we are doing our very best to resolve this problem, but there are many points on which we must request the cooperation of the United State.

President: We share your concern. We also hope that this problem does not destroy the good relations we have built between the United States and Japan. We will continue to cooperate, as we have. But there are in the United States certain legal and judicial procedure we must follow. We must make certain these are adhered to. Within those restrictions we will maximize our cooperation.

Miki: In Japan, too, we do not intend to delay the resolution of this affair. In the near future I hope to bring this period to an end. I cannot say when, precisely, but it will be in the not too distant future. It will be difficult. As Ambassador Hodgson knows this problem is of the greatest concern to the Japanese people.

President: We hope that with the cooperation we can give that a fair and equitable solution can be reached.

Miki: Our investigative authorities are doing their best, but since this case originated in the United States we must rely on information the United States furnishes . We are satisfied with the cooperation the United States has already extended, and hope that it will continue.

I also hope that Secretary Richardson’s Committee, in its study of the conduct of American multi-national corporations abroad, will draft a code of behavior that would require the MNC’s to adhere to the laws of the other nations in which they operate.

President: The focus of Secretary Richardson’s Cabinet Committee is on collecting all the data, and analyzing what has happened. It will recommend regulations, or laws, but this is a hard problem. Secretary Richardson is not investigating for criminal actions. The work of his committee is far broader, and focused on the future. The net result, we hope, will be not only a recommendation for full disclosure, but also other means to prevent the same sort of thing tram arising in the future.

Miki: I know about the Code of conduct drafted by the OECD, but Japan would also favor the adoption of an international code by the UN. We fully support such efforts in the UN. It would be very helpful if the UN could also do something. Do you think the UN could agree on something by the end of next session?

Kissinger: On the Multi-national corporations? I doubt it. In the OECD we have agreed on a code, but in the UN I doubt it.

Miki: There are two areas I wish to discuss, fisheries and civil aviation. I understand civil aviation negotiations between our two countries are about to begin in August. With respect to fisheries, Japan relies on the sea for half its food protein. Japan has recorded a traditional catch of 1.5 million tons in the waters over which the United States recently extended its control, which represents about 15 percent of its total fish catch. Our catch within 200 miles of the United States is important to us. It consists mostly of Alaskan pollack, which is processed into fish paste. The new law enacted by Congress extends stringent controls over fisheries to 200 miles, but we wish to maintain our traditional access to these food resources.

In the past, Japan has cooperated in negotiating and observing a number of fisheries agreements, and our annual catch remains constant, on a stable basis. I hope that the United States will take this into consideration in enforcing its new law.

President: We in the White House did not take the initiative to establish the 200-mile economic zone. It was legislated by the Congress. We tried to slow it down, to improve the draft as much as possible. For example, we were able to delay the date of enforcement until March 1, 1977. Our basis for doing so was that the Law of the Sea Conference will meet again in February and March, and again in August. It is our hope that a new LOS Treaty will be approved. If it is, then the 200-mile law will become ineffective, because we assume our needs will be covered.

Kissinger: The treaty would provide for a 200-mile economic zone under U.S. jurisdiction, but it would not be as severe as the new law, and would give us some latitude in our bilateral relations.

President: It would provide us more flexibility. How do you view the prospects for the completion of a new Law of the Sea Treaty, and is the government of Japan pushing for it?

Miki: Japan is actively trying to push the LOS through to a conclusion. Because of the large number of Soviet ships off our own coast there is strong pressure in Japan to extend the territorial sea from three to twelve miles. We hope all of these issues can be handled, in one package, at the LOS conference. We hope the United States would take the initiative, and we would support you in pushing for a speedy conclusion.

President: We are anxious to bring this conference to a conclusion, but I assure you we are not going to capitulate on our principles as some others are pushing us to do. We vigorously oppose any limitation on our right to explore and develop the sea bed.

Kissinger: We have put forward a proposal that seeks to reconcile the desire of other nations for international exploration of the sea bed with the need posed by development on a national basis. We believe this is sensible. Does Japan agree?

Miyazawa: Yes, provided some of the fruits of development are contributed to the LDC’s.

Kissinger: We have put forward a complex proposal, under which for each site developed on a national basis, another would be set aside for international development, and royalties would be paid into an international fund from national developments. We believe that is fair. If our proposal is accepted in the next session we will move close to concluding a new treaty. This is the key issue. It would be absurd for some countries to block our proposal and end up with nothing for the international community, because we have the technology to go it alone, without international legal prohibitions. But it is being said in some international circles that the United States will capitulate in August. That is wrong, and we won’t. We will continue to try to reach legitimate and equitable solutions, but we will not capitulate.

Miki: With respect to civil aviation, there are unequal aspects to our present bilateral agreement, which we hope can be negotiated.

President: I understand we are in the process of negotiation. It is my hope that a reasonable and equitable solution can be achieved. I am cognizant of the fact that our government people are negotiating with yours, and I trust that a proper compromise can be accomplished

Miki: With respect to Asian problems, I believe Foreign Minister Miyazawa and Secretary Kissinger have discussed in detail the Korean issue in the forthcoming UN General Assembly. I have nothing new to add here.

President: It’s in good hands.

Miki: In another area, the ASEAN nations are not certain about Vietnam’s intentions, and Vietnam’s foreign policy is not yet clear. The ASEAN nations are watching closely to see how Vietnam’s policy develops, but without the United States they would be unable to take a positive position vis-a-vis Vietnam. In our view, ASEAN should not be considered as a potential anti-communist bloc aimed at Vietnam. We wish to conceive of ASEAN as being more flexible. Japan has relations with Vietnam, and, as we observe it, we believe Vietnam is most concerned with domestic construction. We do not foresee Vietnam undertaking an adventurous foreign policy, but this could depend on how relations develop between Vietnam and the ASEAN nations, as well as developments within the region. We believe it would be best to promote domestic development within the ASEAN nations, and regional developments, without aggravating the relations between the ASEAN nations and Vietnam. At present we see no danger signs that Vietnam will take an aggressive policy.

President: I would like to ask Secretary Kissinger for his views of Vietnam, now that it has been unified in a literal way.

Kissinger: Our assessment is that Vietnam will continue through the coming years to conduct a rather aggressive foreign policy. Excessive humility is not a Vietnamese trait. I met with the Foreign Minister of Indonesia yesterday, which is why I could not call on you, Mr. Prime Minister. He told me they assess Vietnam as a great danger to the stability of Southeast Asia, by encouraging subversive movements. However, on the other hand, they also need economic aid. If they get it for free, they will do both, take aid, and encourage subversion. If we attach conditions...they won’t get aid from us, it is safe to say. We will continue to support the ASEAN nations, and anything Japan can do would be greatly appreciated, in helping to promote internal economic developments which would enable these nations to resist subversion. We are now negotiating a new base agreement with the Philippines, and will do what we can with Indonesia. We are not trying to create an anti-communist bloc, but the dangers all come from the communist world.

Miki: In our view, the best way for the ASEAN nations to resist subversion is to build sturdy and stable domestic situations. We understand the ASEAN Foreign Ministers, in their recent meeting in Manila, believed they should, instead of forming a bloc, try to coordinate their development projects to move in the direction of internal development in which Japan would wish to assist.

President: That coincides with our view. As Secretary Kissinger has said we are working with the Philippines on new arrangements for our military installations, and economic as well as military assistance. I also feel my own visit to Indonesia last December was most productive, and in our view has led to considerable achievements.

Mr. Prime Minister, what are your views on Korea?

Miki: We see the confrontation between North and South Korea continuing, but no conflict as such. The excessive fear each holds for the other hinders them from initiating a dialogue. Under these circumstances, the ROK relies greatly on its relations with the United States, and Japan, but is uneasy about its relations with the United States, and should be encouraged not to lose its cool.

Since the end of the Vietnam War the Japanese have begun to criticize President Park’s domestic policy rather severely, but we continue to maintain a policy of friendly relations with the ROK, as does the United States. However, President Park’s internal policies do present a great problem for us. To summarize, we see relations between North and South Korea continuing in their present form.

President: We have excellent relations with South Korea. We too have a domestic problem with President Park’s domestic policies, but we will continue to support the ROK as we promised. But not our prospective Democratic opponent, who indicated in his recent foreign policy speech that he would move more rapidly to withdraw United States forces.

Kissinger: He does that in every foreign policy speech.

President: This administration is different: we believe a withdrawal would be harmful to the stability of the Asian area.

Mr. Prime Minister, there is one problem I would like to raise. Ever since I became President, and even before, we have been trying to find an answer in the Middle East, to move toward a broad settlement. We have followed a step-by-step policy so far, and the Sinai Agreement is working very well. It is being adhered to by Egypt and the Israelis. But Lebanon has been a great tragedy, slowing down our efforts. Without it the movement toward a settlement might have kept going. But Egypt is the very key. Last year after our governments got together we provided 50 million dollars in economic aid for Egypt, and we will continue our financial contribution. We will provide more than 100 million dollars in what we call the transition quarter, and 700 million dollars in FY 77. We hope that Japan will agree to continue its support, and contribute 100 million dollars this year, because the stability of this region, with Egypt as key, is vital on a global as well-as regional basis. Japan’s contribution has been most helpful in the past, and I urge you, if you can, to go from 50 to 100 million dollars next year.

Miyazawa: That is 100 million dollars for whatever purposes they wish? I believe you said, Mr. President, that we should formalize an agreement between the two nations, but Egypt is not pushing for a formal agreement. If they wish, Japan should be ready.

Miki: Our desires coincide with what you have described.

President: We provided 800 million dollars last year. We will provide another 100 million dollars in the three-month period beginning July 1, and 700 million dollars in the next FY beginning September 1. The combined efforts of the United States and Japan, and some of the Arab nations, should be sufficient to keep Egypt strong, and help Egypt break away from the Soviet Union as well as continue to negotiate for a permanent settlement in the Middle East.

Miki: I agree that Egypt is the key nation in the Middle East, but what is your view of Syrian relations?

President: They are not what we would call 100 percent. The Israelis are on the Golan Heights, which is a basic difficulty that has existed for a long, time. But now Syria is preoccupied with its actions in Lebanon. I might ask the Secretary for his views.

Kissinger: We have a high regard for President Assad, who is the most moderate Syrian leader conceivable. Israel has moved so far forward on Golan, and is inflexible, but Assad is willing to negotiate with Israel. The Syrians are in an unbelievable mess in Lebanon. They are proving that half-hearted military efforts are not the monopoly of the United States. They got in, and now they can’t leave. If they leave, they will find themselves squeezed between two radical governments, Lebanon and Iraq, but if they stay, their whole diplomacy is placed in jeopardy. We ate concerned. A settlement would have to be part of a negotiating process. This could be possible after the election.

Miki: In your view is there a danger of armed conflict in the Middle East?

President: With the exception of Lebanon the situation there seems to be one of stability. But the question of which supports which makes for a volatile situation. Once Lebanon is settled, if we are not mistaken, we could continuo to push for a broader settlement on a more permanent basis.

Miki: As we have both noted, there are no hot issues in our bilateral relations. I have mentioned some bilateral problems, but I wonder if you wish to raise any on your side?

President: We believe our relations are good. It was good and wholesome to discuss the issues you raised. I know of no others; do you, Henry?

Kissinger: No, I don’t believe so.

Miki: Mr. President, I wish you every success in the election.

President: Thank you. I believe we are scheduled to go to the Rose Garden, where you will present Japan’s generous gift of three million dollars to complete the experimental theater at the Kennedy Center, for which we are very grateful.

Secretary: What shall we tell the press?

Miyazawa: Whatever you like.

Secretary: Shall we just say that the President and the Prime Minister reviewed the world situation and bilateral matters?

Miyazawa: That sounds good.

1. Source: Ford Library, National Security Adviser, Memoranda of Conversation, Box 20. Secret; Nodis. Drafted by Wickel. The conversation took place in the Oval Office. Ford’s briefing information is ibid., Presidential Country Files for East Asia and the Pacific, Box 7, Country File, Japan [9]. Ford’s and Miki’s luncheon conversation concerned China and non-proliferation among other topics. (Ibid., Memoranda of Conversation, Box 20)
2. Miki and Ford discussed international affairs.