74. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the Republic of China1

593. Embtels 4902 and 452.3 Deliver to President Chiang following letter from the President:4

“Dear Mr. President:

Thank you very much for your letter of November 23 and for your congratulations on my election. I greatly value your views on the present situation in Asia and have given them close attention.

The aggressive policies being pursued by the Chinese Communists are indeed a grave menace to all free nations. As both our countries have learned through the years, they are a menace which has many facets—psychological and political as well as military—assuming different forms and dimensions in different parts of the world. Our task must be to bring about the highest possible degree of Free World vigilance and solidarity in defense against the Communists’ designs.

The United States is fully alive to the Chinese Communists’ aggressive designs against Taiwan. You may be assured that the American people regard their Mutual Defense Treaty with the Republic of China as one of their basic international commitments, and that their determination to stand by it would in no way be weakened by Chinese Communist development of nuclear weapons. I believe that the continuing strength of our alliance will deter the Chinese Communists from any thought of a nuclear attack on Taiwan, as the NATO alliance has deterred the Soviet Union from an attack on Western Europe. We are considering the deployment of additional fighter aircraft to Taiwan from time to time to enhance the strength of our defense posture, if you agree this would be of value.

The United States is fully conscious of the Chinese Communists’ plan to deprive the Republic of China of its place in the United Nations, to destroy the Republic of China and to seize Taiwan. Against these [Page 143] threats too the United States will continue to give your Government full support.

I greatly appreciate your sharing with me your thoughts as to actions we might take to meet the Communist threat. So far as the objective of restoring the mainland of China to freedom is concerned, I believe we should continue to be guided by the principles you and the late Secretary Dulles set forth in the communique of October 23, 1958. As was agreed then, success against the Communists is to be won principally by political means, not by force. The United States Government has no evidence of increased popular restiveness on the mainland or of a weakening of the Communists’ internal controls; and it doubts that present political conditions favor the taking of military initiatives.

I do not believe the United States can presume to assert leadership in Asian affairs; but I agree with you that closer consultation among Asian countries could bring important benefits to the Free World cause. The United States would welcome an Asian initiative for such a purpose. In this regard, the United States, as you know, attaches the highest importance to normalization of relations between Japan and Korea. I greatly appreciate what your Government has done to foster the establishment of friendly relations between these two countries and hope you will continue your efforts.

You mention your deep concern for the situation in Southeast Asia. The United States has just ended a review of the situation there and of the policies best suited to frustrate the Communists’ aggressive policies. We feel we must take steps to improve the politico-military situation in the area; yet the fragility of political conditions in South Viet-Nam hampers us. As your Government was recently informed in confidence, we are undertaking moderate increases in air activity directed at the infiltration problem and are prepared to take certain other measures in retaliation against Viet Cong actions of any special nature. It is our purpose to impress upon Hanoi that the United States Government is not moving in the direction of retreat but is prepared to respond to Communist pressures by stepping up the level of its activity in Viet-Nam. The United States is of course looking beyond the immediate future, but we must bear in mind that additional actions in Viet-Nam must be based upon a reasonably secure situation in the south of that country.

In the years ahead I look forward to a further strengthening of the friendship between the Republic of China and the United States and to many future exchanges of views between us.

Mrs. Johnson joins me in sending our warm regards to you and Madam Chiang for Christmas and the New Year. Sincerely yours,

Lyndon B. Johnson

Rusk
  1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 15–1 US/JOHNSON. Secret; Priority; Exdis. Drafted by Bennett; cleared by Green, Fearey, Grant, William Bundy, McGeorge Bundy, and the President; and approved by Harriman. A December 19 memorandum from Komer to the President, with the draft telegram attached, noted that the proposed answer to Chiang “gives him such general assurance as we can and simply avoids joining the argument on the things we cannot help him with.” Johnson checked the “Let it go” line on Ko-mer’s memorandum. (Johnson Library, National Security File, Head of State Correspond-ence File, China, Volume I)
  2. Telegram 490 from Taipei, December 4. (Department of State, Central Files, POL 15–1 US–JOHNSON)
  3. Telegram 452 from Taipei, November 23, transmitted the text of Chiang’s letter; see footnote 2, Document 69.
  4. Telegram 542 from Taipei, December 24, reported the delivery of the letter. (Department of State, Central Files, POL 15–1 US–JOHNSON)