Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXV, South Asia

369. Telegram From the Embassy in Pakistan to the Department of State¹

Rawalpindi, August 20, 1966.

599. For the President.

1. Following is text of letter dated August 20 for President Johnson from President Ayub. MFA passed letter to Embassy at 1715 hours August 20 stating Ayub desired letter be sent by Embassy communications to ensure rapid receipt by President Johnson.

Begin Text. 20th August 1966

Dear Mr. President,

Ambassador Locke has seen me. We understand from him that your government will be taking a decision shortly on the question of resumption of supply of defence equipment and spare parts to Pakistan.

In this connection I would like to share with you some of our fears at the situation developing in this region which has serious implications for Pakistan. As you are no doubt aware, India has mounted a steadily growing propaganda campaign against Pakistan accusing it of all kinds of nefarious intentions including collusion with a foreign power in order to obtain atomic weapons for military purposes and preparing for, what the Indians call, a second round of fighting. The Indian Government has, we understand, gone to the extent of issuing a warning to the United States Government that a resumption of arms supplies to Pakistan would be a “very serious threat to the security of India,” and that it would be regarded as an unfriendly act by the Government of India which would put a severe strain on US-Indian relations.

This wholly unwarranted Indian propaganda campaign is directed at thwarting the establishment of greater rapport between the US and Pakistan. Furthermore, it provides a cover for India’s own large scale military preparations including the development of nuclear capability for military purposes. In this connection I take the liberty of recalling what you, Mr. President, said in our meeting last December that United States would not allow India to dictate US policy towards Pakistan, nor would they allow Pakistan to dictate US policy towards India.

I wish to make it clear that Pakistan remains willing to enter into purposeful negotiations with India for the settlement of all outstanding disputes and differences between the two countries. We have kept United States Government informed of our discussions with the Government of India on this subject. India while ostensibly expressing its willingness to discuss all outstanding issues between the two countries has made it very clear that it will not alter its stand on Jammu and Kashmir which it claims to be an integral part of India and for whose complete integration it is taking one measure after another. The Government of India is now deliberately building up an atmosphere of tension along the cease-fire line and elsewhere and uttering threats of renewed hostilities. I am sure you will appreciate that in the circumstances it is not possible for my government to accept at face value the Government of India’s professed desire to improve the climate of relations and foster good-neighbourly ties between our two countries.

We understand from Ambassador Locke that the US Government wishes to follow an “even handed” policy towards Pakistan and India. This is perfectly understandable. At the same time I would be less than frank if I did not draw your attention to the fact that the denial of arms replacements and spares to Pakistan would seriously impair her ability to defend herself which surely could not be your intention. Denial of these facilities means complete write off of the American equipment which we hold in large proportion. Its replacement from other sources would put a fearful burden on our resources. Thus our need for spares etc. stands on a different footing to that of India which is not dependent on American equipment to the same extent.

We earnestly hope that in reaching the decision which your administration is to take shortly in this vital matter, our fears and the problems will get the considerations they deserve. Please accept, Mr. President, my warmest regards and best wishes for your continuing good health.²

Yours sincerely, Mohammad Ayub Khan

End Text.

Locke

1. Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, DEF 19–8 US–PAK. Secret; Immediate; Nodis; Privacy Channel. No time of transmission appears on the telegram, which was received in the Department at 10:03 a.m. Passed to the White House. Howard Wriggins summarized Ayub’s letter in an August 23 memorandum to the President. (Johnson Library, National Security File, Head of State Correspondence File, Pakistan, Vol. 2, President Ayub Correspondence, 1/1/66–12/25/67)
2. Ambassador Locke commented on Ayub’s letter in telegram 601 from Rawalpindi, sent marked for the President on August 22. Locke stated that Ayub’s letter underscored his conviction that affirmative action on Pakistan’s request for spare parts, tied to Pakistan’s willingness to limit its arms purchases from China and discuss arms limitations with India, was of critical importance in preventing a closer relationship between Pakistan and China. India, he argued, “should not be permitted to bluff US from action which is in her own vital interest and which is essential to put US-Pakistan relations on proper basis for foreseeable future.” (National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1964–66, DEF 19–8 US–PAK) Bowles transmitted a contrasting view of the issue in telegram 2673 from New Delhi, August 19. He argued that to provide the spare parts necessary to reactivate Pakistan’s F–104s, B–52s, and Patton tanks “would have a devastating long-term effect” on relations between the United States and India and between India and Pakistan. He stated that the Indian Government was convinced that any military equipment the United States provided to Pakistan would be used against India, and that the reactivation of U.S. supplied planes would tip the military balance against India. (Johnson Library, National Security File, Country File, Pakistan, Vol. VI, Cables, 1/66–9/66)