Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XXIV, Africa

316. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in Ethiopia¹

Washington, October 1, 1966, 2:13 a.m.

58209. 1. We assume HIM has several motivations in wishing visit Washington so urgently:²

a. Given Ambassador Korry’s very effective argumentation against need and desirability of more arms for Ethiopia, Emperor wishes make appeal at higher level in view Soviet arms deliveries to Somalia;

b. Emperor desires discuss world problems; and

c. HIM particularly worried by possibility French Somaliland plebiscite may lead to Somali take over and further Soviet penetration Red Sea area. Re latter we note Aklilu saw De Gaulle Sept. 27 and assume he received some assurances re likelihood French Somaliland may opt for continued association with French which should calm HIM somewhat.

2. We wish steer clear involvement Djibouti dispute, despite fact seems preferable French presence continue in some form owing danger Ethiopian-Somali hostilities and strategic importance Djibouti at entrance Red Sea. Our position in Committee 24 is maintain silence as matter primarily for Africans and French resolve. We have so informed Somali Ambassador here. When we see what if any specific resolution emerges, we will decide how vote.

Ambassador Thurston’s interesting suggestion re territorial swap (Djibouti to Ethiopia, Ogaden to Somalia) now complicated by French commitment to plebiscite and in any event situation would probably have to get much worse before Ethiopians would be willing consider such critical decision. Same applies for present to idea of establishing “Free City” under UN auspices which might turn out to be least bad solution, should it appear later on that territory not likely opt for continued association with France.

4. Re Emperor’s tactic of putting squeeze on us for arms:

a. We remain strongly disinclined to contribute to further aggravation arms race in region, particularly when in our judgement current Ethiopian military forces capable of coping with foreseeable Somali threat and there is no need for any substantive build-up of Ethiopian capabilities in the categories mentioned by General Iyassu.

b. Still believe bi-lateral Ethiopian-Somali negotiations or through third African party desirable objective to continue working toward, despite obvious Ethiopian reluctance. Despite Sadeq’s recent statement Ambassador Weathersby he did not intend pursue mediation idea at this time and Ethiopian suspicions of Sadeq, believe he could be helpful, possibly during forthcoming OAU meeting. We are considering other alternatives.

c. We strongly concur with Ambassador Korry’s recommendation to attempt get forthcoming OAU Summit conferees focus on Africa’s arms races. Separate tel being prepared on this. We have doubts, however, re advisability of any USG message to OAU conference emphasizing importance this issue inasmuch as USG would then appear behind what we hope will seem strictly African initiative.

d. We see some advantages in trying to buy time and to reassure HIM by discussions on force goals and re-emphasizing desirable overall security structure IEG should concentrate on. Fact is however we will thus have been maneuvered back into position of discussing Ethiopian arms demands, when it looked as though Ethiopian request to French had gotten us off the hook. Moreover, as Ambassador Korry had originally suspected, clear that Ethiopian demands far greater than anything we could meet at this time or that they could support. Presently planned Ethiopian FY 67 MAP program already totals $14 million out of limited funds available for Africa, and funding any additional equipment is highly improbable. Substitution of new items for those already planned would require elimination F–5’s, vehicles, ammo or other materiel which Ethiopians presumably want and which would make more sense for Ethiopian security. Moreover, items raised such as 105’s, APC’s, anti-aircraft, M–48 and UH–1D in terribly short supply and M–41’s frozen. UH–1D helicopters cost $300,000 plus per copy and are questionable with respect Somali threat. Furthermore, open terrain in Eritrea and Ogaden would make helicopters vulnerable, particularly in the attack role where there would be a long exposure time. Ambassador Korry may wish convey to General Iyassu that his requests: I. Far greater than anything we could meet. II. Far exceed what they can support. III. Far beyond what is required to meet foreseeable threat.

e. In meantime also concur with Ambassador Korry’s intention obtain clarification of status IEG arms request to French, pointing out USG assumption that French should be able supplement an already very large US MAP.

5. HIM’s desire visit Washington under urgent consideration and separate message will be sent.

6. In sum, we naturally continue attach high importance to US-Ethiopian relations given international stature HIM, our desire contribute to stability Horn of Africa and our interests in Ethiopia, notably Kagnew. However, we obviously not position give satisfaction on French Somaliland and our flexibility re meeting Ethiopian arms requests very limited. Therefore, despite HIM’s increasing and understandable concern over developments in region, Ambassador Korry should continue his excellent efforts point out realities of situation faced by USG.³

Johnson

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 7 ETH. Secret; Limdis. Drafted by Looram and Walker on September 30; cleared by Richard W. Aherne of EUR/FBX, Warren, Philip Megna of AFI, Lang, and Donald R. Morris of IO/UNP; and approved by Palmer. Repeated to Asmara, Mogadiscio, Moscow, Paris, Khartoum, Nairobi, USUN, and CINCSTRIKE/CINCMEAFSA.
2. In telegram 1162 from Addis Ababa, September 22, Korry reported that the Emperor had requested that he ascertain if President Johnson would receive him for “only a few hours” in Washington or New York so that he could explain personally the problems facing Ethiopia, including a “second Suez.” (Ibid.) During a short private conversation with Secretary Rusk following Rusk’s September 24 luncheon with African Foreign Ministers at the United Nations, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Ketema said that the Emperor had instructed him to ask for a meeting with President Johnson at the President’s earliest convenience. (Telegram 1008 from USUN (Secto 22), September 24; ibid.)
3. In telegram 1274 from Addis Ababa, October 4, Korry rejected the Department’s thesis that Ethiopia was capable of dealing with threats to its security, and argued that it was a mistake to view the problem solely as a conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia. Referring to the Emperor’s view that U.S. preoccupation with Vietnam was permitting the Soviets and “their chosen instruments” to move with impunity in the Red Sea basin, the Ambassador pointed out that he had warned for 42 months that the Soviets and their friends would attempt to create chaos in Ethiopia and force the United States out of Kagnew. Korry asked for authorization to negotiate the lowest possible price without making any commitments. (Ibid.)