41. Memorandum From the President’s Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson1
Washington,
February 7, 1967, 8 p.m.
Mr. President:
We have a problem: real but soluble.
The British took our proposal of last night and put it into A–B form;
that is:
- —first bombing halt;
- —then simultaneous stopping of infiltration and troop
movements.
That is not how we stated it last night; or to
Hanoi today.2
The reason: we gave Wilson and
Brown the A–B formula and told them to peddle
it in Moscow and, again, on this occasion.
I talked with Sec. Rusk and he is
confident that if they, in fact, buy the A–B formula we can work it out
to protect our interests.
I believe it can be done if we’re short on the time-gap between A and B
and mighty hard on verification.
If they buy anything, which I doubt, they’ll buy the A–B formula rather
than the tougher formula to Hanoi—where at lunch we virtually reversed
the A and B. But that’s a good initial bargaining position to be in—if
bargaining it gets to be.
Attachment
London 6360, Feb. 7, 19673
For the Secretary and Harriman from Cooper
- 1.
- With Ambassador Bruce
went to Downing Street for briefing on afternoon session.
Present were Wilson, Burke, Trend,
Palliser, and Murray.
- 2.
- The earlier part of the afternoon session was devoted to
continuation of Soviet-British bilateral issues and only an hour
or so devoted to Vietnam. Kosygin did not table a draft message
to the President as he said he would do. Rather, he gave a
pro-forma restatement of his earlier position on importance of
the Vietnamese statements to Burchett.
- 3.
- Wilson read from his prepared briefing
notes. The exposition of the Phase A-Phase B formula was changed
from the version contained in my para. 5 London 6329.4 It was
felt that it would be worth spelling this out in the simplest
possible terms. The final text follows:
“Extract from statement by British Prime Minister at
meeting with Mr. Kosygin on Feb. 7, 1967
…I am now satisfied that the Americans would now be
prepared to move to further actions to strengthen mutual
confidence if they were able to secure some assurance
that this move would be reciprocated by the other side.
For instance, I believe that they are now seeking to get
word to Hanoi on the following lines. They recognize the
need for a first and visible step. They further
recognize that this step must mean the cessation of the
bombing. This I believe they would do, and they
recognize that it must be presented as being done
unconditionally. Therefore we have to use our ingenuity
to divorce in presentation the stopping of the bombing
from the consequential actions. Yet you and I know that
the consequential actions are essential if we are to get
the bombing stopped.
The consequential actions are as follows. The United
States are willing to stop the build-up of their forces
in the South if they are assured that the movement of
North Vietnamese forces from the North to the South will
stop at the same time. Essentially therefore the two
stages are kept apart. But because the United States
Government know that the second stage will follow, they
will therefore be able first to stop the bombing, even
if there is a short period between the first stage and
the actions to be taken by both sides in the second
stage. There would be balanced concessions in the second
stage; the first stage would be carried out by the
United States alone; but the United States would only
carry out the first stage because they would know that
the second stage would follow within a short period of
time.
The entry of American reinforcements to Vietnam can be
easily observed. Therefore there could be no doubt on
the part of the North Vietnamese that the Americans were
keeping their part of the bargain.
The North Vietnamese action in the second stage would be
seen as in response to the United States action in the
second stage but it would be the result of a prior
secret assurance.”
- 4.
- Kosygin showed
considerable interest in this formulation. He evidently had not
understood it when Brown presented it to
him last November. He asked Wilson to
repeat it and then asked Wilson to deliver
the text to him in writing this evening. This has been done. The
British are virtually certain that Kosygin is going to transmit this to Hanoi. They
hope that on Thursday5 afternoon when talks resume Kosygin will have a reply from
Hanoi.
- 5.
- I was asked if we were sending a similar message to Hanoi. I
said that I could not say for sure, but the implication of the
President’s communication to the Prime Minister was that such a
message would be sent. The British hope that if any questions
arise as to differences in the formulation of Phase A and Phase
B as worked out today in London, and the formulation forwarded
to Hanoi by Washington, Hanoi be told that the British text was
authoritative in substance, although there may be stylistic or
translation differences from the U.S. version.