381. Memorandum From Acting Secretary of State Dillon to President Eisenhower0

SUBJECT

  • Letter to The President and the Secretary of State from the Dalai Lama

There follows a rough summarized translation of a letter from the Dalai Lama to you and the Secretary of State which was delivered in India through his brother Gyalo Thondup.1

The Dalai Lama thanks you and the United States Government for sustaining and helping the Tibetan people and for the advice recently provided him. All Tibetans are united in their desire for their freedom and independence. Unless Tibet is free and independent of Chinese control, peace in Asia and surrounding countries cannot be achieved. The Dalai Lama requests that when the time comes to consider the question of Communist China’s entry into the United Nations you will support the cause of Tibet and its people by insisting that Tibet be granted full independence as a prerequisite for Communist China’s entry into the United Nations. The Dalai Lama hopes to receive additional advice from you or the Secretary of State in the near future.

The Dalai Lama’s brother Gyalo Thondup has been informed that this letter is being transmitted to you, that a reply will take some time and that meanwhile it is highly undesirable to raise publicly the question of Communist China’s entry into the United Nations.

In view of Indian sensitivities the Dalai Lama has carefully avoided any overt political activities since his arrival in India. However, in a letter to Nehru dated May 7, the Dalai Lama put forward the following points: (1) The Chinese Communists should immediately free all Tibetans who are imprisoned or undergoing forced labor. (2) The entire Chinese Communist military forces should be withdrawn from Tibet. (3) A Committee representing countries having common boundaries with Tibet under the leadership of India and representatives from neighboring Buddhist countries should be sent to Tibet to ensure that the above demands have been carried out, and an enquiry should be made whether damage has been caused to Buddhism in Tibet. (4) The International Red Cross should be permitted to open a branch in Tibet in order to give medical aid and assistance to wounded persons and to prevent the outbreak of epidemics and famine.

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The Dalai Lama wishes to make public the above 4-point proposal at a press conference now scheduled for June 20, but Nehru is strongly opposed, favoring rather the Dalai Lama’s publicly committing himself to working for the reestablishment of Tibetan autonomy. Nehru is said to have warned that if the Dalai Lama makes public his proposal, the Government of India will take no further responsibility for the Dalai Lama’s future support or for a peaceful settlement of the Tibetan problem. The Dalai Lama is unwilling to take the risk of a break with Nehru until he receives official and positive assurance of specific United States Government support. The Dalai Lama would also like to visit Southeast Asian countries to solicit international support for the Tibetan cause.

The Dalai Lama has already made it clear that he is no longer interested in autonomy for Tibet under the Chinese Communists (having twice tried this course with disastrous results) but is determined to work for Tibet’s independence. This puts him in fundamental conflict with Nehru’s policy on Tibet. If we do not now respond positively to the Dalai Lama’s appeal for support, Nehru’s policy may well prevail, which would mean the destruction of the Dalai Lama as an effective symbol of resistance to Chinese Communist political and cultural tyranny. Therefore, although we are not now in a position to recognize the Dalai Lama as the head of an independent Tibetan state, we believe that we should convincingly assure him that he is regarded by the United States Government the rightful leader of the Tibetan people in their struggle against oppression, and that to this end we are prepared to support him financially if he is forced to leave India and to help him find asylum elsewhere.

We believe further that the Tibetans should be given a chance to present their grievances to the United Nations just as the Hungarian case was heard. The United Nations should not be less concerned with human rights in Asia than in Europe. While we have not yet come to a firm conclusion as to what form the approach to the United Nations on the Tibetan issue should take, we believe that the personal appearance of the Dalai Lama at the General Assembly would be beneficial. A problem connected with presentation of the Tibetan case to the United Nations is the collection of thorough documentation which will require considerable time. A final decision as to the type of approach that should be taken in the United Nations can be made in the light of such documentation, of the Dalai Lama’s attitude, and of the views of certain key members of the United Nations.

In the meantime we propose to reply to the Dalai Lama as follows:

(1) Inform him that his letter has been brought to your attention and that of the Secretary and that you both continue to give personal attention to developments in Tibet. (2) Assure him once again of the admiration of the United States Government and people for the courageous struggle against Communist tyranny waged by the Tibetan people. [Page 773] (3) Assure him that he is regarded by this Government as the rightful leader of the Tibetan people in their struggle against oppression. (4) Inform him that the United States continues unequivocally to oppose the admission of Communist China to the United Nations. (5) Assure him of our concern that his Government have full opportunity to present its case to world opinion and suggest to this end he should carefully consider the possibility of going to the United Nations. (6) Caution him that such a move should only be made after thorough preparation and further consultation with us. (7) Agree to the desirability of his making, at an early date, a tour to selected capitals of nations from the governments of which he has reason to expect support in connection with any appeal to the United Nations which he might eventually make. (8) Tell him that if he is forced to leave India as a result of following our advice, we will assume the obligation to support him and an appropriate entourage, and will also undertake to help him in finding asylum elsewhere.2

Douglas Dillon
  1. Source: Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, International File. Secret. The source text is initialed “DE”. The documents cited in footnotes 1 and 2 below are in the Supplement.
  2. Dated May 26; filed with an undated covering memorandum from Allen Dulles to Goodpaster. (Eisenhower Library, Whitman File, International File)
  3. A June 20 memorandum by Goodpaster states that the President had asked that the reply to the Dalai Lama be sent through the same channels as the incoming message and that it be revised to indicate that the Dalai Lama should avoid or minimize an open break with Nehru, to suggest only indirectly that he go to the United Nations, and to make only a qualified or limited commitment of support. The memorandum states that the outgoing message conformed in substance with these requests. (Ibid.) A copy of the message, headed “Message of June 18,” is filed with a July 3 memorandum from Acting Secretary of State Murphy to the President which stated that the Tibetans were unhappy with the oral transmission of the President’s message and recommended a brief written communication. (Ibid.) A letter of July 6 from the President to the Dalai Lama referred to his earlier message and confirmed that it represented his considered counsel. (Ibid.)