Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958–1960, Volume V, Microfiche Supplement, American Republics

CO–19. Memorandum from the Deputy Director of the Office of West Coast Affairs (Silberstein) to the Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs (Snow)¹

Washington, March 19, 1959

SUBJECT

• Political Situation in Colombia; “Alternation” issue.

As you have seen, the trial of Rojas before the Senate has ended with his conviction on two charges, violation of the Constitution and conduct unbecoming a president. After the Senate has sentenced him he will presumably be tried before the Supreme Court on criminal charges. The most the Senate can do is deprive him of political rights and pension.² If convicted on criminal charges the Supreme Court can theoretically jail him or exile him.

The inglorious showing made by Rojas at his trial and the public apathy with the proceedings have already gone far toward removing him as a serious threat to the stability of the National Union Government, whose enemies hoped the trial would discredit it beyond redemption. A more serious issue remains to be resolved, the matter of “alternation” of the presidency, coupled with increasing opposition to Lleras amongst leftist Liberals.

At the time of the plebiscite in December 1957, to amend the Constitution to provide for parity between the two parties in the Government, the joint candidate was Guillermo León Valencia, a Conservative. It was subsequently demonstrated that Valencia did not enjoy the support of a majority of his party, and as a result Lleras, the liberal, became the candidate by agreement between the Liberal and Conservative directorates, and Valencia voluntarily withdrew. This necessitated the introduction of a new legislative act to succeed the legislation already in force, so as to provide for alternation of the presidency, beginning with a Liberal instead of a Conservative. It was also agreed between the two party directorates that the act would provide that the alternation provision should run for 16 years, instead of 12, as originally approved by the plebiscite.

The new Act provides the following:

(1) The Presidency shall alternate between the two parties from 1958 to 1974, a Liberal followed by a Conservative in 1962–1966, then a Liberal again, and finally a Conservative from 1970 to 1974.

(2) The person who shall replace the President in office (the designado or other official as provided by the Constitution) shall be of the same party as the President.

(3) Parity in legislative bodies as provided in Article 2 of the Constitutional Reform of December 1, 1957 plebiscite shall be extended to 1974.

According to the Constitution, an Amendment must be passed in two consecutive sessions of Congress and be published in the Diario Oficial promptly in order to be effective. In the August, 1958, session, the Amendment breezed through both houses (122 to 3 in the House, 75 to 0 in the Senate) and was published in the Diario Official on August 30. It must now come up again after Congress convenes in July. After it has passed both houses and has been signed by the president it becomes law.

Opposition has arisen to the alternation provision in the Liberal Party. The so-called leftist group, especially former followers of Gaitán, want the Liberals to keep control of the Government, since the Party demonstrated in the last election that it controls many more votes than the Conservatives. Moreover they do not trust Laureano Gómez and his followers and fear the Conservatives will perpetuate themselves in office if they get in again. Lleras cannot permit his party to take a stand against alternation; to do so would be to deny his own handiwork as co-founder of National Union.

A National Liberal Convention has been called to fight this issue out, and it has been in session since March 16. Alfonsito López just returned from semi-exile in Mexico, who is said to be supported by his father, ex President López, is leading the fight against alternation. Carlos Lleras Restrepo has resigned as sole chief of the Liberal Party, feeling that his leadership is not being supported. Alfonsito López is said to have described him as an “oligarch” and “autocrat” and wants him replaced by a man from his own faction. Ex-President Santos has come strongly to the defense of Lleras and his determination to stand by the National Front and demands that he be urged to reconsider his resignation. This seems to align Santos and López, the two ex-Presidents against each other.

President Lleras has also been having some trouble within his cabinet, for which the factionalism within both parties is partly responsible, and also differences of opinion as to how to deal with transportation, labor and the recent demonstrations against raised bus fares and prices of food-stuffs. All his cabinet officers and governors have now resigned to give him an opportunity to appoint men he can rely upon.

The bitter feuding between followers of Conservative ex-Presidents Gómez and Ospina has already been a serious problem for President Lleras to handle. It will be a worse headache if he has to cope with a feud between the two ex-Presidents of his own party and their supporters. Meanwhile there are rumors of Rojistas and Communists getting together to oppose the National Union in every way possible. Lleras has a stormy situation confronting him, but predictions are that he will ride it out. His recent threat to resign office if the alternation provision is defeated will cause his opponents, as well as “neutral” Liberals, to pause before forcing him to this decision.

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, 721.00/3–1959. Confidential. Drafted by Gerberich.
2. Telegram 499 from Bogotá, April 2, 1959, reported in part the following: “Following March 17 Senate verdict finding ex-President Rojas Pinilla guilty, Senate last night declared Rojas ‘unworthy’ and sentenced him to permanent loss political rights, pension and right to serve in armed forces.” (721.00/4–259)