Attachment
Note From the British Embassy
[Facsimile Page 3]
DISARMAMENT
The Russians have responded to all suggestions about control by revealing
a positive mania about Western intelligence activities directed against
them under cover of proposals for inspection and control.
[Typeset Page 1582]
We have discussed the Nuclear Tests Conference, surprise attack and
disarmament in general. On the Nuclear Test Conference it has been made
very clear to the Russians that if they maintain their veto proposals in
their present form, there will be no agreement. Mr. Khrushchev in return has made it clear
that he is not interested in an agreement under which only nuclear tests
conducted in the atmosphere would be prohibited.
On the cut-off, Khrushchev has
been pressed hard to express some willingness to agree to discuss it. At
first he showed extreme reluctance saying that without prohibition of
the use of nuclear weapons it would be unacceptable. Later on he went a
bit further saying that the matter could be looked into; he would like
to exchange views on it and hear more about it, for it was an
interesting problem.
On surprise attack, our exchanges have revealed no change in the Soviet
position. They have argued pretty effectively against priority for a
technical approach in this field. Khrushchev’s conclusion was that the
positions of the two sides were far apart, and perhaps a start should be
made somewhere else. At no time has he pressed for a resumption of the
surprise attack conference.
We had a long discussion on the best method of approaching general
disarmament talks. Somewhat contrary to our expectations, the Russians
have not in any way pressed that such talks should be held, nor hinted
that they have new general proposals to put forward.
Khrushchev said he was sceptical
of the utility of the 82-member U.N. Disarmament Committee or for that
matter of any other committee that might be set up. He would be ready to
agree to setting up a sub committee of that committee provided it was on
a basis of parity. But be thought that to do so would be a waste of time
and a fraud on public opinion. It would produce only a marathon in the
field of the talks. He thought that the Heads of Governments must set
the ball rolling by agreeing on the principles which the experts could
then work out.
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Khrushchev has indulged in a lot
of general and sweeping statements about his readiness and even anxiety
for total disarmament, remarking for instance that the Soviet Union was
quite ready to give up armed forces altogether and have only a militia
for internal security provided everyone else does likewise. Then
everybody could control and inspect everybody else as much as they
liked. He has described the objective to be sought as that of
discovering “a mutual interest in some system of security which would be
to the advantage of both sides.”
In fact there has been no real give on the Russian side at all, but
Khrushchev’s approach has been serious and, from his point of view,
realistic.
The use of outer space for peaceful purposes has not so far been
mentioned.