Attachment
Note From the British Embassy
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DISARMAMENT
The Russians have responded to all suggestions about control by
revealing a positive mania about Western intelligence activities
directed against them under cover of proposals for inspection and
control.
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We have discussed the Nuclear Tests Conference, surprise attack and
disarmament in general. On the Nuclear Test Conference it has been
made very clear to the Russians that if they maintain their veto
proposals in their present form, there will be no agreement. Mr.
Khrushchev in return has
made it clear that he is not interested in an agreement under which
only nuclear tests conducted in the atmosphere would be
prohibited.
On the cut-off, Khrushchev
has been pressed hard to express some willingness to agree to
discuss it. At first he showed extreme reluctance saying that
without prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons it would be
unacceptable. Later on he went a bit further saying that the matter
could be looked into; he would like to exchange views on it and hear
more about it, for it was an interesting problem.
On surprise attack, our exchanges have revealed no change in the
Soviet position. They have argued pretty effectively against
priority for a technical approach in this field. Khrushchev’s
conclusion was that the positions of the two sides were far apart,
and perhaps a start should be made somewhere else. At no time has he
pressed for a resumption of the surprise attack conference.
We had a long discussion on the best method of approaching general
disarmament talks. Somewhat contrary to our expectations, the
Russians have not in any way pressed that such talks should be held,
nor hinted that they have new general proposals to put forward.
Khrushchev said he was
sceptical of the utility of the 82-member U.N. Disarmament Committee
or for that matter of any other committee that might be set up. He
would be ready to agree to setting up a sub committee of that
committee provided it was on a basis of parity. But be thought that
to do so would be a waste of time and a fraud on public opinion. It
would produce only a marathon in the field of the talks. He thought
that the Heads of Governments must set the ball rolling by agreeing
on the principles which the experts could then work out.
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Khrushchev has indulged in a
lot of general and sweeping statements about his readiness and even
anxiety for total disarmament, remarking for instance that the
Soviet Union was quite ready to give up armed forces altogether and
have only a militia for internal security provided everyone else
does likewise. Then everybody could control and inspect everybody
else as much as they liked. He has described the objective to be
sought as that of discovering “a mutual interest in some system of
security which would be to the advantage of both sides.”
In fact there has been no real give on the Russian side at all, but
Khrushchev’s approach has been serious and, from his point of view,
realistic.
The use of outer space for peaceful purposes has not so far been
mentioned.
