751G.00/2–1554

Memorandum by the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (Robertson) to the Acting Secretary of State1

top secret

Subject:

  • Your discussion on Indochina with Senate Foreign Relations Committee in executive session on February 16.2

Attached are some condensed notes on major factors in the current Indochina situation. These notes are divided as follows: military framework, political framework, United States assistance, current military situation, current political situation, enemy objectives, United States objectives and the work of the President’s Special Committee (on the latter points these notes may not be entirely abreast of latest developments).

[Page 1050]

This meeting has aroused a great deal of press interest. It will make an important contribution to the knowledge and understanding of the committee regarding the admittedly critical situation which the French and we face in Indochina. It is to be hoped that the impression which will reach the press as to the proceedings of this executive session of the Foreign Relations Committee will include:

(a)
Appreciation of French and Vietnamese efforts and sacrifices in the face of a powerful enemy,
(b)
Conviction that France harbors no narrow colonial goals but is in fact fighting on behalf of her equal associates in the French Union, and
(c)
Confidence in French generalship and determination and belief that carrying out of current strategic concept, with stepped up help from us in present framework, can achieve highly important results.

A continued flow of pessimism and mistrust from here could tip the precarious balance of French support for the Indochina war in the wrong direction.

[Annex]

Memorandum Prepared by the Director of the Office of Philippine and Southeast Asian Affairs (Bonsal)

top secret

Subject:

  • Notes on Indochina for Acting Secretary’s appearance before executive session of Senate Foreign Relations Committee February 16.
1.
Military Framework of Indochina War now in its Eighth Year: 140,000 French and other non-natives and over 400,000 natives of Associated States plus French financial and end-item support plus U.S. financial and end-item assistance (currently over 60%) versus 300,000 natives in Vietminh plus vital Chinese Communist assistance in matériel, supplies, training and advice.
2.
Political Framework: Important part of nationalist movement is controlled by and supports Ho Chi-Minh and his Communist apparatus; another part, probably less important, supports Bao Dai and his government and, finally, an important segment is on the fence in the area of non-Communist control. A clearer prospect of victory rather than further promises of independence already agreed to by the French would be the most effective generator of political vitality on our side and would subtract from enemy support. In France, the support of public and parliamentary opinion for the war is at a dangerously low ebb. There is some defeatism in high French quarters, military and civilian.
3.
United States Assistance is now being rendered in the framework of the LanielNavarre concept set forth in an exchange of notes in [Page 1051] September, 1953, in which France pledged affirmative military and political action and U.S. agreed to further aid ($385 million additional for FY54). Concept got off to an auspicious start. It contemplates decisive blows against the enemy’s regular forces in the fighting season which begins October 1, 1954.
4.
Current Military Situation (presumably to be described by Defense representative). Estimates by our military observers vary widely.
5.
Current Political Situation: Negotiations between the French and the Vietnamese, on a basis of equal sovereignty and membership in the French Union are to take place in Paris beginning February 25. A Franco-Laotian treaty was signed last November. Relations between France and Cambodia have improved markedly in recent weeks and negotiations in Paris should take place in the near future. The Vietnamese Government is working on a plan to create a representative National Assembly in the next few months.
6.
Enemy Objective is, in part, to create an impression of military progress (real estate victories) in connection with the Berlin talks and to soften up French public and official opinion. But enemy has in fact made no important military progress. Navarre and Cogny still believe in success of their strategic concept which involves largely defensive moves this season followed by decisive offensive actions next year. These actions will be made possible by the increased manpower being recruited and trained on our side (over 120,000 new men for Vietnamese Army in 1953 and 1954 plus perfected training and equipping of pre-existing forces).
7.
United States Objective should be to do everything possible (a) to insure the success of the Navarre Plan, so long as our military authorities believe such success attainable, (b) to promote support of and confidence in the Navarre Plan in France and (c) to strengthen French resistance to fallacious negotiation proposals and cease fire offers. The loss of Indochina to the Communists would set off political repercussions throughout Southeast Asia and elsewhere that would be most dangerous to our national security interests. A defeat in Indochina or a desertion of its non-Communist allies by France would mean a serious blow to France’s position as an important element in free world defense.
8.
President’s Special Committee on Indochina was designated January 16. To date it has
(a)
Coordinated emergency aid to French (planes and mechanics).
(b)
Taken certain steps to promote closer top level Franco-American cooperation on Indochina. (Invitation to Pleven and Ely: since no answers yet received, it may be undesirable to discuss with Senators.)
(c)
Taken under consideration a number of recommendations of a military and political nature designed to render U.S. assistance more effective in the present framework, i.e., limited to money, materiel [Page 1052] and advice plus possible covert participation in unconventional warfare activities. Chief among these recommendations is one for ensuring a continuous flow of U.S. advice and aid by raising present MAAG to a military mission with expanded strength, including a planning staff and with authority to advise and assist in training and planning and to make recommendations concerning the conduct of operations. The serious problem of not wounding French sensitivities or undermining essential French self-confidence must be faced here.
9.
Finally, U.S. Government is studying merits of various courses of action that would be open to it if it appears clear that present Franco-Vietnamese military and political efforts within present framework of U.S. assistance will be insufficient to keep Indochina out of Communist hands. The views of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee are vital to progress in this matter.
  1. Drafted by Bonsal of PSA.
  2. For the testimony of Walter Bedell Smith, Acting Secretary of State, and Adm. Arthur W. Radford, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Feb. 16, see Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, 83d Cong., 2d sess., 1954 (Historical Series, vol. VI, made public in 1977), pp. 108–116.

    By memorandum of Feb. 17, drafted by Bonsal, Assistant Secretary of State Robertson transmitted nearly identical briefing information to Acting Secretary Smith in preparation for his appearance in executive session before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Feb. 18. (751G.00/2–1754) No record of Smith’s testimony has been found in Department of State files.