611.80/5–953

No. 607
Department of State Position Paper1

secret
STA D-5

Syria

Summary Paper2

1.
Internal Political Situation: General Shishikli’s dictatorship apparently well established and now entering eighteenth month. Announcement new draft constitution imminent, with publication text and popular referendum this summer. Elections possible in autumn. Confused reform by decree law continues. Internal and external plotting against State so far unsuccessful.
2.
Palestine Question: Shishikli has quietly authorized settlement 80,000 Arab refugees in Syria; is conducting secret negotiations Israel for revision common border. Privately admits desirability [Page 1205] “modus vivendi” with Israel, although publicly still calls for full implementation United Nations resolutions by Israel.
3.
Area Defense Arrangements: Shishikli does not regard Russia as major and imminent threat to Syria (Near East). Israel viewed as main and almost exclusive enemy. Therefore area defense seen as protection against Israel, as well as being primarily function of Arab states, who should be included from inception in any plans for a MEDO.
4.

United States Military and Economic Aid: United States offer of cash reimbursable aid not taken up; Shishikli wants grant military aid of the sort extended to Turkey. His willingness meet United States proposals on Palestine and MEDO is directly proportional to amount military aid United States willing give Syria. Syrian Army incapable more than limited defensive operations, is principally effective for internal control.

TCA not accepted by Syria. Economic aid considered secondary to military aid, but Shishikli would like economic program of Turkish type, with grant assistance for development projects. Return must justify political risk to Shishikli of signing agreement which likely to be labeled “treasonable” by street.

5.
Fear of Hashemite Expansion: Shishikli fearful of possible Iraqi attempts unite Syria, Jordan, Iraq under Faisal II’s Hashemite crown. Recent plotting against Shishikli by ex-Syrian officers on Iraqi soil lends credence his fears. Tripartite Declaration May 1950 could deter this threat under certain conditions.

[Tab 1]

Internal Political Situation

Background

By a bloodless coup from November 29-December 1, 1951, General (then Colonel) Shishikli took over the Government of Syria, dissolved the Parliament, dismissed a day-old cabinet, and began ruling by executive decree through his front man and Head of State, General Fawsi Selo. A rubber-stamp cabinet later was created and encouragement given to organization of a “national” party, the Arab Liberation Movement. A multitude of reforms and autarchic measures have been decreed, but in the pressure of vested interests and the confusion of amateur government, many decrees have never left paper.

Signs have multiplied recently that Shishikli will soon end the “period of transition” and allow Syria to return to parliamentary forms of government. Officials have been preparing a draft constitution [Page 1206] which reportedly vests strong powers in the President. The contemplated changes in form should not modify Shishikli’s control. In fact he is likely to become the President, with a legislature composed of sympathetic deputies. Elections will take place in the autumn at the earliest.

Political parties are officially dissolved, whereas the Arab Liberation Movement has not developed as hoped. In fact Shishikli appears disgusted with his “test-tube” party and is leaning more to his old favorite, the Syrian Social National Party, which though covert is well organized, patriotic, anti-communist and cast as a loyal opposition. The SSNP, however, cavils at any alteration of its platform by Shishikli.

There is considerable discontent in Syria at Shishikli’s regime, as manifested by an abortive coup, arrests and plots (see Tab 5). However, no united opposition has developed which would be capable of successful revolt, and by and large the populace is apathetic. Mean-while, Shishikli has shown how firm a control he has over the country, and the people at least compare his regime favorably with those of the pre-coup, filibustering parliaments.

United States Position

While Shishikli is not pro-Western in a full sense, he has been fairly cooperative with the United States, at least more so than his predecessors. There is no successor in sight who would be more inclined towards the United States; in fact his disappearance could well herald a very anti-Western regime. Moreover, since he is firmly anti-communist we should do what we can to give his regime encouragement.

[Tab 2]

Palestine Question

(See Regional Paper on Arab-Israeli question.)3

Probable Syrian Position

Much of General Shishikli’s thought may focus upon this problem, the responsibility for which he will of course attribute to the U.S. at least in part. Privately he has recognized that Israel will be a factor in the area for a long time. He might refer to the possibility of “peace”, but he will make it conditional upon U.S. pressure on Israel to: (a) arrange a better frontier with Syria; (b) accept limited repatriation of Palestine refugees; (c) grant refugee compensation; [Page 1207] (d) agree to Jerusalem’s internationalization; (e) limit Jewish immigration into Israel.

While General Shishikli is reluctant to use such terms of finality as “peace” and “resettlement”, he has paid them somewhat more than lip service. He had authorized resettlement on Syrian soil of 80,000 Palestine refugees now in that country; UNRWA accordingly will expend $30 million to assist the resettlement. His representatives are negotiating secretly with the Israelis, under the aegis of the UN Mixed Armistice Committee, for a frontier modus vivendi and a resolution of the Demilitarized Zone. Both resettlement and frontier questions are, however, far from fully resolved. Moreover, Shishikli is marking time on them until he sees how much less “favorable” a policy the new U.S. Administration will have towards Israel vis-à-vis the Arab states.

U.S. Position

The U.S. believes that resettlement of refugees and adjustment of border anomalies are to Syria’s advantage regardless of how much U.S. support and aid is or is not forthcoming. Syria needs the manpower for economic development and can absorb the bodies without upsetting its economy. A continued spirit of compromise with Israel on border revision talks can mean removal of a prime friction source and allow Syria to concentrate more on important internal development problems.

[Tab 3]

Area Defense Arrangements

(See Regional Paper on Defense of the Middle East.)4

Probable Foreign Position

While Shishikli is cognizant of Soviet designs, he does not regard Russia as the primary threat to peace in the area. That role is assigned almost exclusively to Israel. Therefore area defense is conceived of as defense against Israel (the Arab Collective Security Pact), and Shishikli is less concerned with defense arrangements of the Western powers against Soviet aggression. Should Shishikli mention this subject, he will emphasize that area defense is primarily a function of the Near Eastern people (Arab), and that all Arab States should be included in area defense plans from inception. At present, however, he considers that the U.S. has not offered sufficient inducement for Syria to cooperate with the West on [Page 1208] either Palestine or area defense. He will probably indicate to the Secretary that Syrian cooperation on these matters will only come after U.S. offers of more liberal proportions than orthodox technical assistance or cash reimbursable military aid, both of which his country has already rejected or shelved (see Tab 4).

U.S. Position

See regional paper.

[Tab 4]

U.S. Military and Economic Aid

Background

The U.S. has offered Syria technical assistance under Point IV and cash reimbursable military aid. Neither has been accepted. (See Regional Paper on Aid to the Near East.)5

Probable Syrian Position

General Shishikli is very likely to renew his demand for more modern military equipment, and to explain that this should not be forthcoming in the limited, cash reimbursable form now offered, but rather in quantities and as a grant, along the lines of U.S. aid to Turkey. Shishikli particularly prefers American equipment to the hodge podge of antiquities he receives presently from France and Britain. Moreover, he will probably try to show why Syria merits special treatment. Both he and General Selo have indicated that Syria would be willing to give consequent assurances that it has no aggressive designs on Israel. The fact that Egypt and Saudi Arabia have been declared eligible for grant aid, while Jordan is subsidized by the UK, only strengthens Shishikli’s conviction that Syria is unjustly being left out.

General Shishikli views economic development as secondary in importance to increased military strength. However, he describes Syria as a poor country which would welcome the “right” type (i.e. U.S. grant aid to Turkey) of economic aid. He does not expect quite the volume extended to Turkey, but wants money to execute a number of development projects in land reclamation, irrigation, housing and transport. He maintains that he is weary of surveys, and wants to see actual construction. He insists that he must receive enough aid to justify the political risk of signing an economic agreement with the U.S.; the street elements will otherwise succeed in shouts of a “sellout to the imperialists”. Shishikli has dallied [Page 1209] with thoughts of UN and IBRD financial aid, but nothing has materialized except for the as yet unexpended $30 million UNRWA grant for resettlement of the 80,000 refugees.

U.S. Position

See regional papers on defense arrangements and economic assistance.6

[Tab 5]

Fear of Hashemite Expansion

Background

The Hashemite dynasty in Iraq and Jordan has long dreamt of Jordanian-Iraqi-Syrian political unity as the “Fertile Crescent”, under a Hashemite crown naturally. King Abdullah cherished the scheme while he ruled Jordan, and the Regent of Iraq leads the advocates in his country. Rumors still persist that Iraq is plotting to absorb Syria and Jordan, particularly since the Regent is technically out of a job in Iraq since May 2nd. Recently some credence has been lent to these rumors by substantiated reports that disaffected Syrian Army Officers are plotting (on Iraqi and/or Lebanese territory) against General Shishikli. Reportedly the Iraqi palace is financing the plotters.

Probable Syrian Position

Obviously General Shishikli does not subscribe to these ideas. He has asked if the United States through the United Kingdom can induce Iraq to restrain the Syrian officers.

United States Position

The United States wants as full a confirmation of these reports as is ascertainable, before and if any representations are made to Iraq. We do not adjudge the May 1950 Tripartite Declaration applicable, unless irrefutable facts show that a state is actively supporting, sanctioning or participating in aggressive international military action. However, Ambassador Moose has assured Shishikli that the United States would regard with concern any activities by a Near Eastern state which were directed clearly towards infringement of any other state’s sovereignty.

  1. One of a series of papers prepared for the briefing book for the Secretary’s trip to the Middle East and South Asia; see footnote 1, Document 604.
  2. Annexed to this summary paper as tabs were position papers on each of the problems summarized.
  3. Document 609.
  4. Not printed.
  5. Not printed.
  6. Not printed.