711.56352/10–952

No. 871
The Ambassador in Spain (MacVeagh) to the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs (Martín Artajo)1

secret

My Dear Minister: I enclose herewith the memorandum about which we spoke last night,2 with copies for Senor Arguelles and General Vigon. I am very glad to be able to give you this document at last, and also happy that I can assure you that the long delay has not been caused by any wish in Washington to postpone decisions but solely by the necessity of coordinating the views of the many governmental agencies involved.

As you will see, the memorandum starts out by taking cognizance of a matter which you and I have discussed together, namely, the absence in our original proposals of any supporting political basis such as NATO affords to countries which have hitherto granted facilities on their territory. I have brought the importance which you attach to such a basis very strongly to my Government’s attention, and a way has been sought whereby it might be supplied. Accordingly, the suggestion is made, which I hope you will find pertinent and acceptable, that we should prefix in publishable form to the agreements we arrive at, a statement of intent as a matter of accord between our two governments, giving overt expression to our friendship and joint purpose and consequent validity to any pursuant mutual arrangements on the technical level.

Also, I hope you will note, as a matter in which I have been specially interested, that the memorandum leaves out any question of principle in connection with supplying the Spanish military. No distinction is made or implied between Spain and any other country collaborating in Western defense. The only limiting factors in this connection are of a practical nature, having to do with availability of funds and supplies and such priorities as are or may be necessitated by the general defense picture. Actually, our intention in principle is to give Spain, along with others, whatever we can which will help contribute to that general picture. But in view of our practical limitations this intention must not be understood, and I am sure you will not so understand it, as implying more than [Page 1888] we can undertake. In particular, while it has been helpful to have the lists of desired military items obtained from General Vigon, these cannot be regarded as having any direct relation to what the United States can, in fact, supply. That problem, of what we can supply, is still one to be determined as regards even the near future, if not the actual present, and as time goes on will have frequently to be determined again as the world situation develops. Also, the places in which our available aid can best be applied here in Spain in furtherance of the joint effort will probably have to be repeatedly considered, but these are technical matters which should not be too difficult of solution once fundamentals have been established. At the present moment, it is my hope that with a common expression of accord agreed on as a basis for our collaboration, and with a full understanding of the practical limitations affecting our intentions, your experts and ours will be able to work out the details of the proposed agreements in a manner sufficiently satisfactory to both sides to enable us to sign and move ahead together.

In my personal view (since you have also talked personally to me on this subject) there is more at stake in this matter than merely some base rights for us and some equipment and financial aid for you, though these things in themselves are important enough. There is the opportunity presented us of evolving a closer association between our two countries than has even before existed in their history, and one which, given the goodwill which I believe exists between us, could be of inestimable and growing value to both Spain and America, and even to the whole world.

With all due respect, I am, my dear Minister,

Always devotedly yours,

Lincoln MacVeagh

[Enclosure]

Memorandum by the Ambassador in Spain (MacVeagh) to the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs (Martín Artajo)

secret

The informal memorandum which Sr. Arguelles handed to Mr. Train on July 9,3 as well as the statement which General Vigon presented to General Kissner on July 304 have been carefully and [Page 1889] sympathetically reviewed. These documents, together with the various conversations which the negotiating groups representing the two countries have had, lead to the belief that the divergences between the United States and Spanish positions is not such as to prevent a mutually satisfactory solution. In this connection, the following is presented in reply to the questions raised concerning future relationships between the United States and Spain and the continuing nature of United States assistance to Spain in the event that mutually satisfactory pertinent agreements are concluded between the two countries.

(1)
The United States Government considers that relations between the United States and Spain should be on a continuing friendly basis in support of the policy of strengthening the defense of the West. This policy would include support of Spanish defense efforts for agreed purposes by the provision of assistance to Spain over a period of several years, subject, as in the case of United States relations with all friendly countries, to limitations imposed by Congressional appropriations, existing priorities, the exigencies of the Korean situation, the status of supply and the international situation. Thus while no advance assurances regarding the amounts and types of aid in future years can be given to any country, continuing United States support of the purposes and objectives of the Mutual Security Program and programs of assistance to participating nations in past years clearly indicate the policy of the United States Government in this regard. Such programs of mutual aid as may be undertaken with Spain in succeeding years would be developed, as they are with other countries, in accordance with the normal procedures of the United States Government and the provisions established under Economic and Mutual Defense Assistance Agreements.
(2)
The fundamental purpose of the Mutual Security Program is to further the peace and the security of the free world by building a strong common defense against aggression through continuous and effective self help and mutual aid. Such aid is furnished to friendly nations participating in the Mutual Security Program as may be required to support common defense objectives and in accordance with the requirements of the Mutual Security Act. It is important to note that such assistance to Spain as may be provided would be intended to carry out the provisions of the Mutual Security Act and would, therefore, be part of the Mutual Security Program for strengthening common defense. The basis for United [Page 1890] States aid is mutuality of effort. This concept is fundamental to the participation of any country in the Mutual Security Program.
(3)
Accordingly, it is believed that the type of arrangements to be concluded between the United States and Spain must be mutually considered in the perspective of strengthening the defense of the West—and particularly Western Europe—against possible attack. The strengthening of the common defense of Western Europe contributes essentially to the real defense of Spain, since the most probable direction of attack would be toward that quarter. Under this concept Spain can make a valuable contribution at this time to its own defense as well as that of Western Europe by granting to the United States the use of military facilities in Spain intended to further the common defense capabilities.
(4)
Furthermore, a realistic appraisal of the worldwide military situation, the security of Western Europe in general and of Spain in particular, indicates that strengthening the common defense is, in a broad sense, the most effective way in which the United States can further Spanish defense interests at this time; and that Spain on her part, can make an important contribution to this common effort through cooperation with the United States along the lines of the proposals submitted by the United States representatives as further amplified in this memorandum.
(5)
Western nations, and primarily North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Defense Community nations, are confronted with the military problem of providing an adequate defense for the West, the total military requirements for which are in excess of military equipment now available or likely to be available in the near future. Such equipment as is likely to be available must, therefore, be provided on a priority basis. The great bulk of this equipment is being allocated to supplement the defense efforts of those countries which are actively participating in the common defense of Western Europe and whose geographic location places them in the more immediate areas of operation in the event of attack. It is believed that there can be no disagreement that extension of military assistance based on this principle can properly be considered as being in the interests of Spain. Military necessity dictates that the greatest combat capability be provided as a matter of priority to those who are in position to employ such weapons first and have undertaken to do so in the common defense. This does not mean that other areas are or should be neglected, but under the conditions which now prevail, it becomes a matter of military necessity to provide for the most effective defense of forward areas rather than provide for contingent defense of less vulnerable areas. Thus all United States military aid programs must be formulated in light of our worldwide security obligations and the active defense [Page 1891] against Communist aggression as, for example, in Korea and Indo China.
(6)
The Spanish Government’s desire to build up Spain’s own defenses is fully understood and appreciated, and its appraisal of the increased risk involved in the United States use of military bases in Spain has been carefully considered. If war with the U.S.S.R. should come, Spain, due to its strategic location, would not be able to escape Soviet aggressive action. In this connection, Spain’s determined anti-Communist position would be at least as suitable a pretext for eventual attack on Spain in the event of general hostilities as would the use of Spanish military facilities by United States Forces. Under these conditions, the presence of United States military personnel on these facilities, together with the intended provision by the United States, in collaboration with Spain, for the defense of these facilities, would provide a valuable net addition to Spanish defense capabilities while, at the same time, affording to Spain the opportunity of making an important contribution to the defense of Western Europe. It will be evident also that the military forces, both United States and Spanish, which would use such facilities in time of war must become thoroughly familiar with their capabilities and operational characteristics in time of peace. The development of logistical, aerological, navigational and kindred techniques, is not accomplished quickly. Such techniques, developed to the highest point of effectiveness, in the shortest possible time, should be the objective of mutual endeavor.
(7)
It is felt that the foregoing considerations provide an explanation of the reasons which require, in peace time, the effective preparation and use of Spanish facilities against the possibility of sudden aggression. These measures are deemed essential to the proposed arrangements between the United States and Spain. Mutually satisfactory arrangements of this kind in the common cause are basic to strengthening the defense of the West and provide the framework within which appropriate aid can be extended.
(8)
It is felt that it is well understood that the $125 million for aid to Spain already appropriated by the Congress is all that will be available during the current fiscal year. Tentative programs for foreign aid in fiscal year 1953–1954 are already under discussion in the Executive Branch preparatory to their presentation to the Congress when it reconvenes. In the event that mutually satisfactory agreements are concluded with Spain, and provided that the time schedule permits, the Executive Branch of the United States Government is prepared to include suitable provisions for assistance to Spain in its presentation to the Congress regarding assistance for fiscal year 1953–1954 to all countries participating in the Mutual Security Program.
(9)
It is believed that the Spanish Government, equally with the United States Government, considers that relations between the two countries should be on a continuing friendly basis in support of the policy of strengthening the defense of the West. Recognizing that the people of the two countries should be informed of the character of any understanding reached between the two Governments, the United States Government would be pleased to prefix a statement along the lines of paragraph (1) above, to the agreements which may be arrived at as the result of its proposals or, should the Spanish Government so desire, to issue such a statement as part of a joint communiqué at the time of signing of the agreements.
  1. Transmitted as Enclosure 1 to despatch 261 from Madrid, Oct. 9. A copy of the letter was handed to Martín Artajo on Oct. 8.
  2. During this meeting, MacVeagh informed Martín Artajo of the arrival of the response to the Arguelles memorandum, and Martin Artajo revealed that Franco had placed him in personal charge of negotiations. A record of this meeting is in telegram 295 from Madrid, Oct. 8. (711.56352/10–852)
  3. Transmitted in Document 861.
  4. Dated July 29, the Vigon statement reiterated the arguments made in the Arguelles memorandum of July 9. It was transmitted in despatch 97 from Madrid, Aug. 1. (Spanish Desk files, lot 58 D 344, “Negotiations—U.S.–Spanish, July–Sept. 1952”)