Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, United Nations Affairs, Volume III

Department of State Committee files, lot 54 D 5, “Working Group on Colonial Problems”

Paper Prepared by the Colonial Policy Review Sub-Committee of the Committee on Problems of Dependent Areas¹

secret

[Washington,] April 26, 1950.

United States Policy Toward Dependent Territories

introduction

A. Significance of the Colonial Problem

The problems that arise because a very large segment of the world’s population continues to reside in territories which have not yet become fully self-governing have assumed wide significance in the development of American foreign policy. Referred to collectively as “the colonial problem”, questions involving the status and future development of dependent territories arise repeatedly in international forums, in the political warfare between East and West, and in the bilateral relations of the United States with other states.

Colonial questions have a significant bearing on United States security. The attitude the United States takes on colonial issues affects at once our relations with the principal colonial powers, who are at the same time friendly Western democratic states, and with the far greater number of states who have emerged at one time or another from colonial rule and whose good will is likewise of vital concern to this Government.

More than 200 million people live in the seventy-odd dependent territories of the world.^* The future alignment of these emerging peoples with the democratic world is a matter of prime importance to the United States.

B. Foundations of United States Policy in the Colonial Field

United States policy toward colonial areas stems from deeply held traditions of the American people as well as from the present and future requirements of United States security in the broad conception of that term.

Mindful of their own colonial origin and of the attainment of American independence after a successful revolution, the people of the United States have maintained a traditional attitude of sympathetic understanding and encouragement toward dependent peoples striving for political freedom. Confronted by a colonial issue, the average American will, as if by instinct, favor the peoples of a colonial area against their European rulers. This fundamental psychological alignment of the American people must be taken into account in the formulation of United States policy.

Associated with this traditional view of colonial questions is the humanitarian interest of the American people in the development and welfare of the inhabitants of dependent areas. Missionaries have been sent by American churches widely through Africa, Asia, and the Pacific, and American mission schools and hospitals are maintained in colonial areas. Private institutions such as the Rockefeller Foundation, the Carnegie Corporation, and the Phelps-Stokes Fund have made notable contributions in the fields of education and health. This same humanitarian concern has led the United States to subscribe to the principle enumerated in Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter, that the interests of the inhabitants of dependent areas are “paramount”, and to accept “as a sacred trust” the obligation to promote to the utmost within the system of international peace and security the well-being of dependent peoples.

In the formulation of United States policy on colonial questions considerations relating to the security of the United States and to general international security are clearly of great importance. The security interests of the United States must, however, be broadly conceived; for security factors now include such remote elements as an adequate landing strip on an obscure Pacific atoll or a friendly administration in a little-known territory of Central Africa. In any particular case, due weight must be given not only to the immediate and more obvious effects of a given policy, such as the retention of a base area in the hands of a friendly power, but also the longer-term effects of such a policy on the attitudes towards the United States of the people of the colonial area in question and of the large number of states of the world which are “anticolonial” in their outlook. In most dependent areas of the world the security interests of the United States at the present time will best be served by a policy of support for the Western Colonial Powers, coupled, as necessary, with suggestions to them for the acceleration of political, economic, and social development. An example of such an area might be British East Africa, where nationalist movements are still in an embryonic state and the continuance of British rule is generally accepted by the inhabitants. In some other areas, however, where nationalist forces have so effectively challenged European administration that its restoration seems impossible even with the expenditures of great resources by the power concerned, it is in the interests of the United States to accept the situation as it is and to encourage the progressive and peaceful transfer of administration from the imperial power to the local inhabitants. A recent example of such an area is Indonesia. In any given colonial issue, the United States must make a determination as to whether its security interests are best served by a support of the position of the colonial power or by efforts to bring about adjustments in the direction of the demands of nationalist groups. In the long run the United States can have only one assurance of the preservation of its security interests in most colonial areas the conviction of the inhabitants of the area that the United States has pursued and will continue to pursue policies in which the colonial peoples themselves believe and which they consider to be in their own best interests.

C. New Factors in the Colonial Problem

In formulating a colonial policy for today the United States needs to take account in particular of four developments:

1. The rapid development of nationalist movements in areas formerly dependent.

Since the end of the Second World War eight formerly non-self-governing territories have become full Members of the United Nations, and three others (Ceylon, Jordan, and Korea) have been excluded only by a Soviet veto. Nationalist movements have emerged in such areas as Southeast Asia and North and West Africa. There is every reason to suppose that this trend will be accelerated in the next few years.

2. The impact of militant communism.

The policy makers of the Soviet Union obviously regard the colonial relationship as one of the principal weaknesses of the Western World. The Soviet Union has neglected few opportunities in its own propaganda organs and United Nations (especially in Committee IV, in the Trusteeship Council, and in the Special Committee on Information Transmitted under Article 73(e)) to attack the colonial powers and their administration of non-self-governing territories. It has been noticeable that within the United Nations, Soviet speeches have concentrated on Africa and on British, French, and Belgian administration there.

Strong communist movements already exist in the colonial areas and emergent states of Southeast Asia. On the basis of present information, Communist penetration has not proceeded nearly as far in Africa, although among nationalist leaders and groups there are undoubtedly some with communist ties or sympathies.

It is clear from communist ideology and propaganda and from the tactics of Soviet representatives in the United Nations that the USSR attaches high importance to its efforts to alter the present westward alignment of colonial areas. It should be recognized that in this battle for the allegiance of colonial peoples the Soviet Union gains certain immediate advantages through its irresponsibility.

3. Developments in colonial policy.

American public opinion does not take adequately into account the extent to which colonial powers have in recent years taken steps toward the objectives of self-government and independence for their dependent territories and have undertaken programs for their economic and social development. In the latter field, the British Colonial Development and Welfare Fund and the French FIDES (Fonds d’investissement pour le developpement economique et sociale) involve considerable expenditures by British and French taxpayers. Belgium has plans for economic and social development in the Congo. Britain’s plan calls for an average of about forty-eight million dollars a year over a ten-year period to be spread throughout Britain’s colonies. While the United States has probably spent an average of more than fifty million dollars a year in Puerto Rico alone, it should be recognized that Britain is now a poor country with many colonies. The new development plans of the leading colonial powers have been retarded by shortages of technicians and materials, but a number of important projects have already been inaugurated and more rapid progress may be expected in the future.

To assist in the development of a more informed American public opinion, it would be in the interests of the colonial powers to give more publicity, through the United Nations and other channels, to the progressive aspects of their colonial policies and, in the United Nations, to avoid adopting positions which serve to divert attention from the progressive steps which they actually are taking.

4. The role of the United Nations.

The Charter of the United Nations has made dependent areas, as a whole, a matter of international concern. The effect of the inclusion of Chapters XI, XII, and XIII in the Charter is that for the first time in history a world organization—in this case the United Nations—has before it for discussion a vast volume of information on the dependent areas of the world, whether they be trust or non-self-governing territories. The International Trusteeship System, outlined in Chapters XII and XIII of the Charter, is an improved version of the League of Nations Mandates System for the supervision of the territories, principally former mandates, inhabited by seventeen million peoples. Chapter XI represents the interest of the world community in the welfare and development of the vast majority of non-self-governing peoples who do not live in trust territories. Chapters XII and XIII of the Charter differ markedly from Chapter XI. For Trusteeship Territories, Chapters XII and XIII set up a system of international supervision under which the Trusteeship Council is empowered not only to examine annual reports on these territories but receive and examine petitions relating to these territories and to make periodic visits for purposes of inquiry into the nature of the administration and the progress being made by the inhabitant. In Chapter XI administering Members undertake generally to promote the advancement and development of the peoples concerned, to protect them against abuses, and to further international peace and security. Specifically these same Members undertake to transmit regularly to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for information purposes, subject to such limitation as security and constitutional considerations may require, statistical and other information of a technical character relating to economic, social, and educational conditions in non-self-governing territories. However, Chapter XI does not provide for an organ of the United Nations to examine or make recommendations for the information transmitted from non-self-governing territories; nor does it make provision for the receipt of petitions from, or visiting missions to, such territories.

United Nations activity in this sphere has created a serious problem for the United States. Of the 59 Members of the United Nations, those who have responsibility for trust or non-self-governing territories are a small minority of eight. Most of the rest are anti-colonial by ideology (the Soviet Union and satellites) or by memories of dependence (Asiatic, Arab, and Latin American states). By their superior voting strength, the non-colonial powers are in a position to carry their views in the United Nations General Assembly by an overwhelming majority. The United States is an administering Member by virtue of its responsibility for one trust territory and six non-self-governing territories. It has, moreover, a profound interest in the survival and revival of its Western European allies, the principal colonial powers. On the other hand, the United States is by tradition sympathetic to the aspirations of colonial peoples, and in Asia and Africa cannot afford to allow the colonial peoples to feel that their best hopes lie with the Soviet Union.

i. general objectives of united states policy toward colonial areas

The objectives of the United States in the colonial field set forth below are based on the fundamental considerations discussed in the introductory portion of this paper. The application of these general objectives and their translation into policies to be pursued regarding the various dependent areas of the world is set forth in the four regional sections of Part III of this paper. These sections recognize that in a given area at a given time it may be in the best interests of the United States to place special emphasis upon certain of the objectives. Thus, for example, it is felt that in the immediate future it is in the United States interest to place considerable emphasis, in the implementation of its policy toward certain dependent territories, on economic and social advancement and political education to reach the goals of self-government or independence. It will be noted that the safeguarding of the security interests of the United States is not stated as a separate objective, since it is felt that it forms an integral part of all United States objectives in this field and has been a basic factor in their formulation.

A. Political Objectives

1. To favor the progressive development of all dependent peoples toward the goal of self-government and the development of those dependent territories where conditions are suitable toward independence; and to encourage the metropolitan governments to take progressive steps toward the achievement of such self-government or independence in the areas for which they are responsible.

While self-government should be a goal for all dependent peoples, independence can be the goal only for those territories where conditions are suitable. There are, of course, widely varying degrees of self-government up to full independence.

It is generally held that a self-governing territory achieves independence when it acquires control of its defenses, foreign relations, and customs. However, since the administration of a fully self-governing territory requires essentially the same capacity on the part of its people as the administration of an independent state, the criterion for determining the relative desirability of self-government or complete independence is not the capacity of the inhabitants but such other characteristics of the territory itself as its size, its economic resources, its defensibility as a unit, and the status desired by the inhabitants.

It is not possible to foresee all the factors which might make independence an undesirable goal for a given dependent territory. It is at least possible to say, however, that in principle voluntary integration is more desirable than “balkanization” and that independence should be the goal only where a viable state can be effected. It would be unwise to set up scores of small “independent” states which would be economically unsound, unable to resist communist penetration or to contribute effectively to their own defense against an aggressor, or which have insufficient internal unity or cohesiveness to maintain themselves as a political unit. In some areas federation would seem to make independence possible for a group of territories which, separately, could not reasonably aspire to it.

The degree of self-government can increase only as rapidly as people show capacity, and the development of a capacity for self-government depends, in part, upon the provision by metropolitan administrations of opportunities for indigenous peoples to gain experience at progressively responsible levels in all phases of economic and governmental activity. Village and municipal councils provide a useful training ground for developing responsible practical experience. Increasing appointment of indigenous inhabitants to administrative and financial posts of responsibility and provision of adequate educational facilities are essential. An important milestone along the road to complete self-government is reached when a territorial legislature in which indigenous inhabitants form the majority has power to legislate on matters of purely territorial concern.

Since the Charter was signed at San Francisco, substantial advances toward self-government have been made in a number of territories and more than 500 million people have achieved independence. Nationalist movements are gaining strength in non-self-governing territories throughout the world. United States policy must be based on the general assumption that nationalism in colonial areas is a force which cannot be stopped but may, with wisdom, be guided. Numerous pronouncements by United States Government leaders in successive administrations have enunciated the policy of encouraging progress toward self-government and independence in colonial areas.^†

2. To encourage the metropolitan powers to foster the growth of responsible democratic movements and institutions among indigenous peoples in colonial areas and, in special cases, after frank consultation with the metropolitan power concerned, to lend the encouragement of the united States, or as appropriate even its active support to democratic nationalist movements.

The nature and scope of United States efforts to further the implementation of the foregoing objective will necessarily vary according to the circumstances of each particular case. The United States should recognize that, though in varying degrees, the colonial powers are carrying out the United Nations Charter undertaking to assist dependent peoples “in the progressive development of their full political institutions.” There are, for example, few British territories which have not received, in the post-war years, a further degree of self-government. In areas where the colonial powers appear to be moving ahead in the political sphere as fast as the circumstances warrant, the United States could probably make its most constructive contributions to political advancement through assisting these powers to achieve more rapid economic, social, and educational development of such territories through such means as the ECA, bilateral or multilateral technical assistance, joint efforts with the metropolitan powers in the Caribbean and South Pacific Commissions, and provision for an expanded program for the exchange of teachers, students, and research workers with colonial territories. The United States should also continue to encourage the progressive development of democratic institutions in colonial areas through the public statements of American officials and through the policies pursued by the United States in its own territories and within the United Nations. Due account in any such statements should be given to the fact that such development may vary according to the stage of advancement of the people concerned.

In its relations with the metropolitan powers the United States should encourage them so to conduct themselves that when their control over a territory ends they will be able to retain the good will of the inhabitants, and such relations as may be mutually beneficial, whatever the new status of such a territory may be. The United States clearly cannot support a nationalist movement in a stable dependant area in ways to which an administering power could take legitimate exception. On the other hand, in those special cases where great changes are clearly in the offing and where the authority of the administering power may already be substantially limited by the strength of nationalist movements, the United States may need in its own interest to play a more active role in the promotion of a solution which both sides could accept. For example, the conflict between the Indonesians and the Netherlands threatened the security of the entire Southeast Asia area. As a result, it was essential for the United States to assist in the achievement of a settlement.

On the premise, believed valid, that nationalist movements in colonial areas can be guided, it is clearly in the interest of the United States to give appropriate encouragement to those movements which are non-communist and democratic in character and which represent the aspirations of a substantial segment of the population. The spread of democratic institutions, as we understand the term and not in its perverted Soviet usage, is an objective which the United States should actively pursue. Democratic principles, embracing such things as the right of individuals to choose their own form of government and to be protected against unjustified encroachments of the state, are intrinsically valuable and definitely part of the aspirations of colonial peoples. The encouragement by metropolitan powers and by the United States of democratic nationalist movements would also contribute toward the building of colonial areas into bulwarks against the spread of communism. The very fact of a demonstrated United States interest in democratic nationalist movements will strengthen the hand of these groups against their communist counterparts. In this connection the Philippine Representative to the United Nations, General Romulo, has declared: “The true goal of all dependent peoples is freedom and not enslavement by a new master.”

3. To assist, as appropriate, in the development of the changing political relations between colonial peoples and metropolitan countries toward whatever type of relationship, consistent with the United Nations Charter, is best suited to the particular situation, whether trusteeship, voluntary, union, joint membership in a common political union, or some less direct associative relationship, and with regard to much developments to recognize the principle stated in Chapter XI of the Charter that the interests of the inhabitants of these territories are paramount.

Both self-government and independence may be enjoyed within a larger political framework. In response, on the one hand, to the increasing demand of dependent peoples for the right to manage their own affairs and on the other hand, to the facts of economic interdependence and cultural affinity and the need of new governments for greater security than they can provide for themselves, new forms of association between colonial powers and their former dependencies have emerged and are continuing to evolve. The British Commonwealth of Nations is the classic example of the voluntary association of formerly dependent territories with the mother country for the pursuit of common ends. Since World War II the concept of the British Commonwealth has undergone further development. The stated objective of the British Government for territories which are still dependent is “self-government within the British Commonwealth”. In the West Indies, where Britain has sovereignty over 14 poor and widely-scattered islands, a Closer Association Standing Committee has recently made a report which includes the draft of a Constitution for a British Caribbean Federation. The report starts from the assumption that the main purpose of the task of the Standing Committee is “to seek the shortest path towards a real political independence for the British peoples of the region within the framework of the British Commonwealth—what is meant in fact by ‘Dominion status’”.

France, under the Constitution of 1946, established the French Union, which is designed to include France and the dependent territories in a somewhat centralized political framework, allowing for varying degrees of self-government and of association with the metro-pole and including such categories as overseas departments, overseas territories, associated states, and associated territories. The relationship between the Netherlands and the Republic of the United States of Indonesia, to the establishment of which the United States made a considerable contribution, is another example of the new forms of association being evolved. The Government of Puerto Rico is at the present time giving a good deal of thought to some form of associated relationship with the United States which Puerto Ricans feel would better meet their needs than the old alternatives of statehood or independence.

The United States should give close study to such new forms of association as they develop, and support those which it considers to be in the best interests of the people concerned and consistent with their wishes.

The action of France in making certain territories Departments of France or members of the French Union and as a corollary ceasing to report on them as non-self-governing territories under Article 73(e) of the United Nations Charter has created an issue in United Nations bodies on which the position of the United States is yet to be determined in the light of the foregoing objectives. Similarly the Netherlands West Indian colonies are being integrated with the Kingdom of the Netherlands with increased rights of self-government and with representation in the parliament at The Hague. As a consequence the Netherlands will probably cease to report on these territories within the near future. These new constitutional arrangements have been challenged in the United Nations where non-administering Members suspect that they do not confer genuine self-government on the inhabitants of the areas in question, but have been contrived by the administering Member in hope of removing these areas from the scope of Chapter XI, while in fact retaining them in a dependent status. On this general issue, it is worthy of note that all administering Members are committed by the Charter of the United Nations to promote self-government in colonial areas. In the practice of the United States, the transformation of an area from territorial status to statehood has been effected only with the express consent and active participation of the peoples of the territory and has resulted in self-governing status equivalent to that of other states of the Union. As an alternative to independence, this approach to incorporation is valid and one which will stand up under scrutiny in the United Nations.

Trusteeship stands as a device which may be used to present possible solutions for difficult questions involving the future status of territories. Since the Charter of the United Nations was adopted, trusteeship has been thought of as a possible solution for the problems of such widely-separated areas as Palestine, Antarctica, Berlin, the Italian colonies, and certain Pacific islands. The use of trusteeship in such cases frequently avoids the controversial issue of the extension of sovereignty over the area by any State or group of States. The United States has made clear its position regarding the use of trusteeship in Pacific areas which may be retained under United States administration. President Truman, in a statement on November 6, 1946, declared, “The United States is prepared to place under trusteeship, with the United States as the administering authority, the Japanese Mandated Islands and any Japanese Islands for which it assumes responsibilities as a result of the second World War”. The United States has, of course, assumed responsibility as the administering authority for the former Japanese Mandated Islands; and, in his speech before the National Press Club on January 12, 1950, the Secretary of State declared: “In the interests of the population of the Ryukyu Islands, we will at an appropriate time offer to hold these islands under trusteeship of the United Nations.”

It cannot be stated, of course, that trusteeship is in every case the best solution where a change of status of a colonial area is envisaged. As in the case of Eritrea, special situations may require other solutions.

4. To seek the alignment with the democratic world of dependent peoples and those achieving self-government or independence; in particular to maintain and strengthen their friendship and respect for the United States.

The importance of this objective is clear in view of the Soviet Union’s obvious bid for the sympathies of colonial peoples. It should be recognized however, that among the obstacles to be overcome in the achievement of this objective are not only Soviet propaganda and the bitterness which some such peoples may retain toward their former colonial rulers; there is also, so far as the United States is concerned, a widespread knowledge among colonial peoples of racial discrimination as practiced in this country, a fear of American economic imperialism as a successor to European political imperialism, and a growing suspicion that the traditional American policy of support for the aspirations of dependent peoples is being discarded, in the interests of the containment of communism, for a policy of unlimited support of the colonial powers.

Ceylon, the Philippines, and Indonesia, and, to a lesser degree, Pakistan and India are examples of former dependencies who have friendly relations with the West. Philippine Delegations in the United Nations, for example, frequently express their gratitude for the contribution made by the United States to the development of the Philippines to independence.

5. To seek the fullest possible mutual understanding and cooperation between the United States and the Colonial Powers on colonial policy and, to the degree possible, the acceptance by the latter of basic United Stales objectives.

The principal colonial powers are western European democratic nations whose security and recovery of political and economic strength are fundamental objectives of United States foreign policy. Moreover, the attainment of United States objectives in the colonial field—economic and social, as well as political—is dependent upon the active support and cooperation of these states.

Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom tend to regard American support for the acceleration of political development in colonial areas as a combination of traditional American attitudes in the political sphere and an expectation of supplanting these powers economically in their territories once self-government or independence has been obtained. Moreover, with respect to issues arising in the United Nations, these powers frequently seem to misunderstand the reasons why the United States lends its support to United Nations recommendations which they regard as a threat to that same recovery of strength actively being promoted by this Government through other mechanisms. Their sense of the large stake which they have in the colonial problem as compared with the United States contributes to their resentment of what they regard as irresponsible United States positions taken, ad hoc, in the interests of compromise. Frequent and frank-exchanges of views between the United States and Belgium, France, and the United Kingdom would certainly not eliminate all differences. Such discussions would be helpful, however, if they helped this Government arrive at a more accurate appraisal of the achievements and problems of the colonial powers, and if they provided a greater understanding on the part of the colonial powers of United States objectives and convinced such powers that the United States had a carefully-thought-out, long-term colonial policy in the formulation of which the position of these states had been taken carefully into account; and that United States positions on specific issues would not be ad hoc-decisions, dictated by considerations of the moment, but would be consistent with this long-term policy.

The problem is not nearly so great with respect to Australia, Denmark, and New Zealand, since experience shows that these states often express publicly the same view as the United States or (particularly in the case of New Zealand) privately indicate agreement with United States positions. However, steps should be taken as necessary to make sure that these states and the Netherlands understand our objectives.

6. In like manner to seek the fullest possible mutual understanding and cooperation between the United States and the non-colonial powers on colonial policy and, to the degree possible, the acceptance by the latter of basic United States objectives, as well as an understanding of the problems, responsibilities, and achievements of the metropolitan powers.

In South East Asia, in the Caribbean, and in Africa it is vitally important that United States policies for these areas should be fully understood by the independent non-colonial powers in or adjacent to these regions. But the importance of this objective is perhaps most frequently apparent when colonial questions are considered in the United Nations. There the non-colonial powers of the world are in a position to use their voting strength to carry through any recommendations which they consider desirable and proper. Basically many of these powers appear to feel that administering states do not possess, or are not entitled to exercise indefinitely, sovereignty over colonial areas in the same absolute sense that they have sovereignty over their metropolitan areas. A number of these also subscribe to an interpretation of the Charter whereby any course of action not expressly prohibited under Chapter XI is permissible to the General Assembly. The danger of radical action on the part of this voting majority is further increased by the fact that quite apart from the Soviet Union and its satellites, most non-administering Members are, for understandable reasons, anti-colonial in their attitudes. Such members, as former dependencies, feel that the colonial powers are still moving too slowly in satisfying not only the political aspirations but also the economic, social, and educational needs of colonial peoples. This impression is likely to be strengthened when colonial powers, in United Nations bodies, dismiss criticism impatiently as based on ignorance or political considerations, instead of seizing the opportunity to explain fully their achievements and problems.

Frequent and frank exchanges of views with Latin American, Asiatic, and African Members of the United Nations are important in the interests of promoting a mutual understanding of purposes in the colonial field. To the degree possible the United States should seek acceptance by the non-colonial powers of basic United States objectives and should seek to promote an understanding on their part of the problems and achievements of the colonial powers and the importance of preventing in the United Nations an open breach between administering and non-administering Members.

7. The United States should seek to prevent the Soviet Union from being regarded as the champion of colonial peoples.

This is an exceptionally difficult task as the extreme positions taken by the Soviet Delegation are often identical with the extreme views of native nationalist leaders. However, Soviet propaganda at the United Nations meetings can often be effectively answered by temperate and rational responses. The United States should, therefore, continue its efforts to meet Soviet criticisms with valid responses and should attempt to persuade other colonial powers to follow the same tactics. In the past the British and French Delegations have sometimes met Soviet attacks with rather contemptuous dismissals, a type of response which has not made a good impression on delegations of non-administering states. The patient and full replies of Admiral Fiske, who served as United States Special Representative during the Trusteeship Council’s examination of the first report on the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, made, on the contrary, an excellent impression. This was also true of Mr. Fahy’s statement on Puerto Rico in the Fourth Committee in reply to an attack by the Ukrainian Representative on United States policy there.

In addition, counterpropaganda techniques should be utilized to expose the true character of Soviet actions and policies toward dependent areas. It should be recognized, however, that the use of these techniques must be carefully adapted to each particular forum whether it be a United Nations meeting or a Voice of America broadcast. In the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly, lengthy speeches on conditions within the Soviet orbit are normally ruled out of order even though they may deal with matters comparable to those under discussion. The use in such organs of a full-dress speech is, almost impossible, although a barbed aside may be a feasible and useful device. On the other hand, in Voice of America broadcasts, and through such other information channels as Department publications and releases, more comprehensive counterpropaganda statements might be utilized.

In the long run, of course, Soviet attacks should be met by the implementation of progressive colonial policies. The United States should make every effort to set an example by improving conditions in its own dependencies and should, wherever feasible, attempt to persuade other colonial powers to speed up the pace of development in their possessions.

8. To pursue actively, in relation to United States territories and possessions, policies which develop logically from our past achievements and are consistent with the policies we urge on the colonial powers and in international bodies.

The United States has acquired considerable credit in the eyes of the world generally, not only for its action in granting independence to the Philippines, but also for its administration of its remaining territories and possessions. The United states is presently responsible for the administration of six non-self-governing territories—Alaska, American Samoa, Guam, Hawaii, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands of the United States—and one trust territory—the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. The United States is consequently an “administering authority”. Many persons regard this status as equivalent to that of a colonial power. The United States must continue to pursue progressive and liberal policies in each of the territories subject to its administration, primarily in the interests of the inhabitants of United States dependent territories, but also in order that the United States may maintain its reputation for enlightened colonial administration and its capacity for leadership in international forums in which dependent territory problems are considered. In addition to the General Assembly, its Fourth Committee, the Special Committee on Article 73(e), and the Trusteeship Council, these forums include the Caribbean and South Pacific Commissions.

B. Economic and Social Objectives

To the end of promoting the political objectives set forth in the preceding section and in a manner consistent with those objectives, the United States should pursue the economic and social objectives outlined below. It is recognized that the implementation of these economic and social objectives is dependent upon the availability of fiscal and economic resources and, accordingly, efforts should be directed to increasing the contributions, in both relative and absolute amounts, which the dependent territories themselves can make to this advancement. It is in the interest of the United States to assist the metropolitan powers in strengthening the economics of dependent territories and it should take appropriate action to do so within the limits of funds available for such purposes at any one time.

1. To encourage balanced economic development.

The over-all development of any dependent area, especially its political development, must have a sound economic basis. Economic development must promote the immediate and long-range welfare of the inhabitants and, to be sound, must provide a balance among such factors as the following:

(a) coordination of economic developments with advancements in the skills, attitudes, customs, and social organization of the inhabitants;

(b) creation of conditions attractive to capital investment;

(c) adherence to sound conservation practice; and

(d) integration with regional and world economic developments.

While the potentialities of each area will indicate priorities in fields of economic development (agriculture, animal husbandry, forestry, mining, fishery industry, and commerce), generally sound development of colonial areas would require attention to greater diversification of economic activities. The physical facts of some areas will not allow a high level of economic development; however, it is desirable that dependent areas not only expand their short-range productivity, but that they develop as far as possible into healthy economic units strong enough to contribute to the collective strength of the free world.

2. To encourage and to promote, where practicable, mutually advantageous economic relations between colonial areas and the metropolitan countries, as well as with the United States and the rest of the free world.

The United States seeks the economic advancement of colonial peoples, the development of the resources of colonial areas and economic (as well as political) stability sufficient to resist Communist domination. The United States likewise desires to assist and encourage the nations of the free world, including those with interests in colonial areas, to increase their strength.

The United States also desires the advancement of direct United States trade, investment, transportation and strategic interests (including access to strategic materials) which can redound to the mutual advantage both of this country and of the colonial area concerned.

These purposes can be appreciably advanced through the encouragement or promotion of mutually advantageous economic relations between the colonial areas and the metropolitan countries as well as with the United States and the rest of the world.

The ability of the colonial areas to achieve an accelerated development economically, socially, and politically depends in part on the economic recovery of the metropolitan countries and their ability to provide the necessary facilities both in the way of personnel, expanded services and construction required by the colonies. At the same time the efforts of the metropolitan countries to achieve viability at an early date will be furthered in many cases by colonial development projects.

In a more indirect but no less important manner, the expansion of economic activity between the colonial areas and the rest of the world can contribute to increased security, and thus advance the mutual strategic interests of the United States, the metropolitan powers, and the colonial areas as well. Development in the colonial areas accompanied by rising standards of living should make them less fertile fields for Communist agitation and subversion. A strengthening of the metropolitan countries as a result of expanded economic relations with their colonies increases their powers of resistance to the Soviet threat and makes them more effective allies of the United States and the rest of the free world.

The purposes of economic advancement of colonial areas, of increase in the strength of the metropolitan powers of Europe, and of reasonable development of United States trade interests may at times come into conflict. In deciding any such problems on its merits, the purposes must necessarily be balanced, recognizing the principle of the paramountcy of the interests of the dependent peoples, and the problem resolved in the best interest of the United States and the other free peoples of the world.

3. To encourage the development of transporation, communications, and power.

Inadequate facilities for transportation and communications to and within the dependent territories of the world constitute major obstacles to their full development. The natural resources of these areas and their inhabitants are frequently isolated, and will not contribute effectively to the economic activity essential to general social advancement until natural barriers have been bridged by modern roads, bridges, railroads, airfields, harbors, radio, telegraph, and telephone systems. The general advancement of the people of these territories is also being held back by their dependence in large measure on the human being as a source of power. The effective utilization of existing resources for the production of artificial power is fundamental to any widespread improvement in the productivity and standard of living in these areas. All developments in the fields of transportation, communication, and power are dependent upon the degree to which the local inhabitants are trained to operate and maintain the necessary facilities.

4. To encourage the parallel development of primary, secondary, vocational, and higher education.

Broad, well-planned educational development adapted to the needs of the inhabitants is essential to ensure that political, economic, and social developments proceed along constructive lines. In the political field, ignorance is an invitation to the abuse of power, to the development of local demagoguery, and to the infiltration of anti-democratic ideologies; whereas well-rounded education is the foundation of progress towards democratic self-government. In the economic field, lack of skills, knowledge, and adaptability tend to encourage short-range exploitation and hamper long-range, balanced development. In the whole area of social development education is basic to the constructive adaptation of under-developed peoples to the scientific, technical, and humanistic culture of more advanced peoples. In the planning of educational programs it is important that the needs of local inhabitants for education at all levels be adequately met.

5. To encourage the improvement of health services and other social services.

Disease, as well as dietary and other health deficiencies, is a major obstacle to the full development of dependent areas and their inhabitants. The reduction of this obstacle by the improvement of medical facilities and public health services is a fundamental pre-requisite to over-all advance. In this field international cooperation has already demonstrated itself to be most fruitful. The United States should encourage increased cooperation with the World Health Organization, as well as with other international agencies and private organizations working in this field. With the growing impact of Western culture on dependent peoples, improved and expanded social services are necessary to guide constructively social and cultural readjustments. Examples of the type of social services which will be increasingly needed in dependent territories are those dealing with child and maternal health, juvenile delinquents, adult education, and agricultural extension. In these social fields, as in health, the cooperation of international agencies and organizations should also be encouraged.

6. To encourage the development of responsible non-Communist labor unions and of progressive labor policies.

An effort is being made by the Soviet Union to exploit the grievances of the growing class of wage earners in the colonies and as a corollary Communists have sought to manipulate colonial trade unions for political as well as economic objectives. In some instances this technique has been successful. Communist-controlled labor unions have, for example, played a part in the recent disturbances in Malaya. Recognizing the importance of the development of a democratic and responsible labor movement in the Colonies, the United Kingdom has for some years been sending to the Colonies experienced British trade unionists to train colonial labor leaders. In spite of the fact that this type of procedure has not been entirely successful in British areas in Africa, it is a promising procedure which should be encouraged.

In the field of labor policy and legislation the standards laid down in ILO Conventions provide a desirable objective.

ii. methods of obtaining objectives

A. Through Bi-lateral Channels

1. Foreign Service Missions

To further the foregoing objectives the United States should utilize to the full American Embassies, Legations, and other Missions in the capitals of colonial and non-colonial powers, as well as American Consular Posts in dependent areas.

Our Embassies and Legations in such capitals as London, Paris Brussels, The Hague, Copenhagen, Canberra, Wellington, Pretoria, and the United States Mission to the United Nations provide machinery for continuing consultation with the colonial powers on a whole range of problems relating to dependent areas, including problems arising in the United Nations. (The importance of consultations on issues arising in the United Nations is discussed in Section II, B, 2 and 3, pp. 26–28.) These various consultations would give the United States an opportunity to explain United States objectives and to suggest such constructive policies as the introduction of increasing numbers of indigenous inhabitants of dependent areas into responsible government positions. They should also serve as centers for dispersing assistance and advice in relation to dependent area problems through their specialized missions, advisers, and attachés in such fields as agriculture, health, labor, education, and technical assistance problems. Likewise, our Embassies and Legations in such capitals as Cairo, Saigon, Bangkok, New Delhi, Rangoon, Manila, Djakarta, Addis Ababa, and Monrovia present an opportunity to consult with these states on a continuing basis and to explain United States objectives and policies. It is important, for example, that the problem of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan be discussed by United States officials with both Britain and Egypt—that United States objectives in Africa be understood by Ethiopia and Liberia as well as by the United Kingdom, France, and Belgium—that United States position regarding Libya, Eritrea, and Somaliland be fully explained to Egypt and Ethiopia as well as to the United Kingdom, France, and Italy, and that American Far Eastern policy should take into account the views of both European and Pacific colonial powers and the new nations of South East Asia.

In dependent areas, American Foreign Service Posts, properly staffed and with proper guidance regarding policies and techniques could become influential centers for encouraging the type of developments which we favor and for preventing misunderstanding of American attitudes. Their officers could exert influence both on the local administering officials and on the native peoples, and, in the areas where they are assigned, could be of increased assistance in preventing communist infiltration and in assuring the orientation of the officials and the inhabitants toward the free and democratic world.

In order to perform this function, the consular posts would have to be strengthened and headed by first-class, experienced officers who would make the consulates centers of foreign technical and cultural activities by virtue of their own personalities, the coordinating and guiding activities of their staffs, and their profound understanding of all the problems and elements in the social and economic, as well as political structures of the territories concerned.

2. Consultations with Diplomatic Representatives in Washington.

In addition to Foreign Service Missions and the United States Mission to the United Nations, the Embassies and Legations in Washington of both administering and non-administering powers offer useful and convenient channels through which the Department can carry on consultations on colonial matters.

3. United States Information and Educational Exchange Program.

An expanded United States Information and Educational Exchange (USIE) Program could further United States objectives in the colonial field. At the present time USIE devotes only a minor part of its activities to dependent areas. Its officers in the field (Public Affairs Officers) are thinly scattered in the non-self-governing world, many such territories having no such officer. For example, there is no Public Affairs Officer in any trust territory. Thus in such areas, there is frequently no source of information on United States policies towards its own possessions or on the positions taken by this country in the Trusteeship Council and other international bodies on the problems of dependent areas. There often is, however, considerable public criticism and distortion of such United States policies.

Where USIE offices exist in dependent territories, it has been demonstrated that articles on colonial policy and news summaries of events in this field, when available, will frequently be used by the local press. The experience of the Caribbean Commission has also shown that colonial newspapers, partly because they cannot afford to subscribe to wire services, will often reprint entire stories supplied to them. This largely undeveloped field has abundant educational and counter-propaganda possibilities.

In addition to expanding its press services in dependent areas, USIE could further serve United States interests by increasing the number of United States libraries. Besides serving broad informational and educational purposes such libraries, professionally directed, are effective instruments to technical assistance and might well be planned to supplement other aspects of the technical assistance programs. They can also serve as a channel for information about UN activities supported by the United States. United Nations publications, as well as publications about the United Nations, especially those written for popular consumption and translated into local languages, should not only be available in United States libraries, but should be distributed in quantity to schools, adult education centers, and other interested local organizations. Eventually perhaps such activities can best be carried on by United Nations Information Centers, and the United States should encourage the setting up of more such centers in dependent areas. In the meanwhile it would seem consistent with United States policy to make use of USIE offices and libraries.

The expansion of both USIE and United Nations visual education programs in dependent territories is particularly desirable in view of the high rate of illiteracy in these areas; however, suitable simplified materials must be planned and techniques developed for their use. Such materials might include films, film-strips, and photo-displays, directed on the one hand to explaining the United Nations and United States policies therein, and on the other hand to supplementing technical assistance programs.

Both United States and United Nations fellowship, internship, and educational exchange programs could fruitfully be expanded in dependent territories, where shortage of trained personnel is a major problem. Such programs should be genuinely two-way, for there is also an acute shortage, especially in this country, of persons with firsthand professional experience in colonial areas. These programs would naturally be closely integrated with technical assistance projects, and directed towards the major needs of the areas.

The Voice of America might be more effectively used to further United States policies towards dependent areas, and to counter Soviet efforts to win over colonial peoples. There are now no programs especially designed for audiences in dependent territories or beamed specifically at them. Serious consideration should be given by this Government to the need for strengthening its “Voice” in such areas. Whether or not this should prove practicable, information on United States policies and activities relating to dependent areas could usefully be strengthened in our broadcasts to most areas of the world, particularly in view of the world-wide misrepresentation which such United States policies and activities constantly receive, especially from communist and communist-influenced propagandists.

Finally, all United States channels of information directed abroad should be kept constantly aware of the world-wide scrutiny to which our domestic policies and practices are subjected and the extent to which communist propagandists seize upon and magnify inconsistencies between our professed policies and our actual practices. Every effort should be made to publicize constructive efforts to solve our domestic problems. No American problem receives more wide-spread attention, especially in dependent areas, than our treatment of racial minorities, particularly the Negro. Discussion of this problem cannot be evaded, and only by full publicity to improvements in this field can the United States position be put in fair perspective before the bar of world opinion and communist propaganda be discredited.

B. Through United Nations Channels

1. To further the foregoing objectives the United States should use United Nations organs and the Specialized Agencies to promote a progressive colonial policy.

Colonial questions are being raised with increasing frequency in a wide-range of United Nations organs and agencies. Not only are these questions discussed in the Trusteeship Council, the Special Committee, and the Fourth (Trusteeship) Committee, which devote their time exclusively to such questions, but they also arise frequently in the Economic and Social Council and its Commissions, the Specialized Agencies, the Security Council, the Political and Security Committee of the Assembly, and occasionally in the Third and Sixth Committees of the Assembly.

In all of these bodies when colonial issues are raised, the United States should formulate its position on specific issues in accordance with the broad policy objectives set forth above. Pursuance of these objectives will generally place the United States in a moderate position between the more conservative administering Members on the one hand and non-administering Members on the other.

The United States should encourage appropriate Specialized Agencies to expand their activities relating to dependent territories, both as a means of promoting the economic, social and educational objectives of the United States and of furthering a constructive, technical, and non-political approach to such territories and their problems.

In both the Trusteeship Council and the Special Committee on Information Transmitted under Article 73(e), where administering and non-administering Members are equally represented, the United States occupies a particularly strategic position. The United States should use its influence responsibly to promote constructive action which will command the support of a substantial majority of Members, administering and non-administering. In cases, however, where the pursuit of United States objectives or a regard for the limitations of the Charter requires the United States to line up clearly with either the administering or non-administering group, the United States should not hesitate to do so.

2. As a means of achieving the fullest possible understanding and acceptance by the Colonial Powers of United States policies in the United Nations the United States should consult with them frequently, particularly on all questions which they consider of major importance. General consultations should be a normal procedure before each session of the Trusteeship Council, the Special Committee and the General Assembly.

For example, consultations with Belgium, France and the United Kingdom in advance of the next sessions of the Special Committee and the General Assembly are particularly necessary in view of the marked divergence of views which developed between these powers and the United States during the Fourth Session of the General Assembly. Of the ten resolutions adopted at the Fourth Session on non-self-governing territories not one was supported by Belgium and the United Kingdom. Moreover these two powers and France reserved their position with respect to the Special Committee and did not participate in the election of the non-administering Members.

In these and in any other subsequent consultations with France, Belgium, and the United Kingdom the United States should explain its policy objectives and so far as possible the position which it expects to take on specific issues which will arise. Since the recommendations of United Nations bodies can only be effective to the extent that they are implemented in the territories by the Members responsible, the United States should seek greater understanding of the attitudes of such Members, the maximum area of agreement, as well as acceptance on the part of these powers of basic United States objectives and positions.

With respect to the Trusteeship council, experience has already shown that advance consultations on issues arising in the Council pay dividends in reaching Council recommendations which all administering Members will strive to implement. The position with respect to Chapter XI matters is more difficult but an effort to reach agreement should, nonetheless be made.

It should be borne in mind that there would be an advantage to the United States in holding some general consultations which would include all administering Members, since the United States could then count on a considerable measure of support for its views from Denmark, Australia, the Netherlands, and New Zealand. The United States should point out, as appropriate, to administering states that it is in their own interest to make more apparent in the United Nations the progressive aspects of their policies with regard to dependent areas and to avoid adopting positions which serve to divert attention from the progressive steps which they actually are taking.

3. Similarly, as a means of achieving understanding and acceptance by the non-administering Members of United States objectives and policies, the United States should consult with them frequently. Consultations should be a normal procedure before each session of the Trusteeship Council, the Special Committee, and the General Assembly. Unless these Members are given a full and frank exposition of the reasons for United States positions on specific issues they are all too apt to assume, when the United States differs from them, that we do so not on principle but out of a desire to placate the administering Members. Experience in various United Nations bodies has shown that a number of non-administering Members are genuinely desirous of making a constructive contribution to the work of the United Nations and welcome suggestions from the United States.

Consultations with non-administering Members are frequently successful in obtaining their support or co-sponsorship for moderate and constructive United States proposals or in modifying resolutions which those states have sought to introduce. The extent to which the United States has in the past consulted with non-administering Members has greatly contributed to the defeat of extreme proposals sponsored by the Soviet Union.

In the Trusteeship Council the United States has worked very successfully with such non-administering Members as Mexico, Iraq, and the Philippines. For example, the Trusteeship Council’s Committee on Higher Education in the African Trust Territories had as its Chairman, Mr. Noriega of Mexico, and one of the basic working papers was submitted by the United States Member. The report of the Committee was adopted unanimously by the Council and is regarded by both administering and non-administering Members as one of the Council’s most constructive accomplishments. In the Special Committee the United States, as well as Denmark and New Zealand, have worked effectively with the delegates of India, Egypt, and the Dominican Republic.

These efforts should be intensified in the future in the hope of building up a steady and constructive group of non-administering states. The United States should point out as appropriate to the non-administering states that a moderate attitude may frequently be the most effective means of achieving the ends they seek in dependent territories.

4. Increased efforts should be made to utilize United Nations organs and agencies, where practicable, as forums for constructive exchange of ideas and experience concerning the administration of dependent peoples. The detailed reports of the various states which administer trust and non-self-governing territories on the areas for which they are responsible contain information valuable to administrators in other governments who have responsibilities for comparable problems. Officers of our own Government who are concerned with the administration of United States territories and possessions are anxious to know of the experiences of other administering Members in dealing with illiteracy and specialized problems in the fields of public health, agricultural economy and the like. In the Trusteeship Council especially, but also in the Special Committee, there is a growing tendency to approach problems on the technical and analytical rather than on a political basis. The exchange of ideas on administration among the various administering states, and the contribution of ideas by those non-administering Members who have experienced common problems in their own countries, can be a most fruitful development of the Trusteeship System and of Chapter XI. A subsidiary advantage of this approach would be that it would tend to moderate the atmosphere sometimes created in the Council and in the Special Committee when administering Members are “put in the dock” as regards the administration of their territories.

The United States can contribute to a further improvement in the atmosphere of the Council and the Special Committee^‡ by such means as the following: by replying patiently and honestly to questions on its own territories; by commending other administering Members on valid accomplishments; by showing willingness to make use of the experience of other Members, where appropriate, as well as to make its own experience available to others.

5. The United States should make increasing efforts to see that indigenous inhabitants of dependent areas are placed in responsible posts in executive, legislative, judicial, and other local organs. This can be done in part by setting a good example in United States possessions. In addition, the United States Delegation to the Trusteeship Council, whenever feasible, should urge the other administering authorities to speed up the policy of placing indigenous inhabitants in responsible posts. In progress of this type, which is of great psychological importance to nationalist leaders, advantages of proceeding somewhat over-rapidly generally outweigh considerations which might suggest a slower pace.

C. Through Other Channels

1. The United States should strengthen the two regional non-United Nations Commissions—the Caribbean Commission and the South Pacific Commission—established to advise Member and territorial Governments on economic and social problems arising in the dependent areas within the geographic spheres of the Commissions.

These two regional Commissions represent a mechanism whereby metropolitan governments administering non-self-governing territories in the Caribbean and South Pacific areas can cooperate in the solution of economic and social problems of a regional nature. Each is assisted in carrying out these functions by two auxiliary bodies, a Conference representative of the people of the area and a Research Council which makes recommendations to the Commission itself. Both Commissions also have established Secretariats which include qualified scientific and technical personnel. Both have assembled basic data on social and economic conditions and act as a clearing house for information within the area. Both have planned and carried out programs in the fields of education, health, and economic development, and both have already provided to Member and Territorial Governments technical assistance which otherwise would not have been available.

The use of those two Commissions in connection with the Point IV program to the extent practicable would be a logical and important step. The Commissions are particularly qualified to assess regional needs for technical assistance to non-self-governing territories within their areas, to recommend projects which might be undertaken by two or more Member Governments jointly, and to offer advice and assistance to Governments and Agencies administering technical assistance programs.

The United States can contribute to the success of the Caribbean and South Pacific Commissions by playing a constructive role in meetings of the two Commissions and their auxiliary bodies, by meeting promptly its quota share of the expenses of the Commissions, by furnishing expert assistance for meetings held under the auspices of the Commissions, and by giving prompt consideration to the recommendations of the Commissions and their auxiliary bodies.

2. The United States should urge that the United Nations technical assistance programs be devoted in generous proportions to dependent areas; and, in any bilateral technical cooperation programs (Point IV), this country should encourage colonial powers to request projects for the areas which they administer. In considering the acceptability of all such projects under bilateral programs the United States should adopt the criterion that the interests of the inhabitants of the territory are primary, and it should also support the adoption of this criterion for United Nations projects. Aid planned in accordance with this principle would provide the United States, in cooperation with the rest of the democratic world, with a strengthened ability to counteract the Soviet attempt to champion the cause of colonial peoples. Furthermore, technical assistance as planned would probably prove more acceptable to colonial peoples than projects developed under ECA and be less susceptible to the charge of strengthening imperialism.

3. Every effort should be made by the United States Government to pursue domestic policies consistent with the objectives stated in the paper, as well as to make clear to the people of the United States the effect which domestic situations have on our foreign relations, and particularly on the faith of other countries in this country’s capacity for leadership, with regard to dependent peoples and peoples recently emerged from dependent status, it is highly desirable that our policies and practices towards racial minorities in this country be increasingly brought into fuller accord with the democratic principles we profess. In the whole range of political, economic, social, and educational advancement in this country, increased attention should be given to the necessity of taking such steps as will advance the status of world leadership now incumbent on this country.

iii. regional application of general objectives

A. Western Hemisphere

B. Africa

C. Southeast Asia

D. Pacific Area Dependencies

(Materials to be supplied)²

1. The origins of this paper are described in the editorial note, supra. As there noted, the document was drafted by the Colonial Policy Review Sub-Committee. The Committee on Problems of Dependent Areas (CDA), the parent committee, was made up of the geographic bureaus, the Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and certain other Department of State offices that normally were involved in dependent areas questions (as the Assistant Legal Adviser for United Nations Affairs, the Policy Planning Staff, the Executive Secretariat, and the Bureau of Economic Affairs). The Committee on Problems of Dependent Areas, established in March 1944, had two antecedents in the colonial policy field: the Committee on Colonial Problems (CP) (September 1943–January 1944) and the Committee on Colonial and Trusteeship Problems (CTP) (January–March 1944). Minutes and documents of these three colonial policy committees collectively make up lot 54 D 5.

   This document was circulated in the Department of State (see editorial note, p. 1139) as a reprint on July 25, 1952 (Doc. CP D–8, July 25, 1952, lot 54 D 5), and came to be referred to as “the 1950 paper”.

2. Exact figures cannot be given because the question of what constitutes a non-self-governing territory is itself an item of dispute. The number of such territories, including trust territories and those enumerated under Chapter XI to the United Nations has varied from 84 and 72 since 1946. These figures do not include such areas as the former Italian Colonies, the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, and the dependencies of Spain and Portugal. Nor do they include the under-developed hinterlands of some states or the “autonomous areas” of others. [Footnote in the source text.]
3. A collection of such statements from 1942 to the present is annexed to this paper. (To be added) [Footnote in the source text.]
4. It should be noted that the Special Committee is not a permanent organ of the United Nations but has been established for a three-year period ending in 1952, at which time the question of its continuation will no doubt be reconsidered. [Footnote in the source text.]
2. Parenthetical note in the source text.