795.00/2–1351

Memorandum by the Deputy Under Secretary of State ( Matthews ) to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff ( Bradley )

top secret

Attached are four copies of an informal staff paper prepared in the Department of State on the subject of the 38th parallel. We hope to have a chance to discuss this with the Joint Chiefs of Staff this afternoon.1 The attached paper does not represent a firm Department of State position because we do not wish to reach one without full consultation with you.

[H. Freeman Matthews]
[Annex]

The 38th Parallel

In the absence of an agreed cease-fire, the 38th parallel will provide acute political and military problems. UN forces entered Korea to repel the aggression and to restore peace. The restoration of peace required an effort to destroy the North Korean forces. UN forces crossed the 38th parallel in October 1950 to pursue and destroy North Korean forces who had refused to surrender and were giving every indication of continuing the fight.

With the large-scale intervention by the Chinese, it must be concluded that we cannot now pursue and destroy enemy forces in North Korea. Our inability to embark upon this effort may even impose some limitations upon our ability to punish the enemy as severely as we should like.

There would be considerable advantage in forcing the enemy north [Page 173] of the 38th parallel and in securing the territory of the ROK, but serious risks or costs should not be undertaken merely to secure terrain. A second purpose is to bring the fighting in Korea to a close. If the enemy stops fighting, we are better off without a continuation of the fight than with it. A cease-fire on a reasonable and acceptable basis would be in our national interest. We are fully aware that a cease-fire may not last if the Chinese wish to break it.

From the political point of view, what military action would be indicated? It would be for the military to consider whether such military action is feasible or desirable. The following outlines the military action which would best support our present political objectives:

a.
If there is an agreed cease-fire, of course, UN forces would comply with the terms of the cease-fire. It is assumed that the cease-fire principles of December 1950 set forth our views on the conditions of the cease-fire.
b.
If the enemy continues his offensive operations against UN forces, UN forces should attempt to punish him as severely as possible.
c.
If the enemy retains considerable forces in any substantial part of Korea south of the 38th parallel, UN forces should punish him if an opportunity arises to do so without incurring severe losses on our own side.
d.
If the enemy pulls back north of the 38th parallel, we believe that the main body of the UN forces should remain south of the 38th parallel, with freedom to patrol or thrust into a zone, say 20 miles north of the 38th parallel. The purpose of this latter point would be to give the UN Commander, in the absence of an agreed cease-fire, an opportunity to keep a degree of control over the situation to his front and to allow him to take such action as might be required to keep the enemy off balance.
e.
In the absence of an agreed cease-fire, air and naval action against enemy forces and military targets in enemy hands should be maximized.
f.
ROK forces should, as soon as possible, be built into the best possible fighting force with adequate training and replacement features to ensure ROK effectiveness over a prolonged period.
g.
If the main body of UN forces reaches the 38th parallel, the ROK defensive positions along the 38th parallel should be strengthened and a special effort should be made to clean up guerrillas south of the parallel.
h.
In the absence of an agreed cease-fire, the enemy should not be afforded a sanctuary behind the 38th parallel similar to that which he enjoys behind the Yalu River.

The primary means by which our Korean commitment can be substantially reduced is an agreed cease-fire. If the enemy now refuses a cease-fire, the above suggested action will permit a continuation of punishment which might bring the enemy to accept a cease-fire. If there is no agreed cease-fire, an effort should be made to increase the [Page 174] capability of ROK forces in order, if possible, to permit the relief of at least a portion of the UN forces now in Korea. To the extent that air and naval forces can take over the mission of punishing the enemy, that should be done.

What is the opinion of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on the military aspects of the above suggestions?

  1. See infra.