Foreign Relations of the United States, 1949, The Far East: China, Volume VIII

893.001 Chiang Kai-shek/7–849

Press Interview by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek⁶⁵

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Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek broke his long silence on Monday⁶⁶ to declare his continued “revolutionary leadership” of the Chinese people, to appeal to the United States for support against Communism and to accuse the Soviet Union as a treaty-breaker bent upon world dominion.

The 62–year-old generalissimo, who retired from the presidency of China last January 21, but who has retained and strengthened his leadership of the Kuomintang,⁶⁷ party of original Chinese revolution, received two correspondents in a joint interview which may portend his imminent return to active leadership.

Generalissimo Chiang, who seemed in the best of health and spirits, chatted with the correspondents in polite brevity and reserved nearly all of his statements for publication to written answers that [had] been prepared to questions submitted in advance.

The Generalissimo’s answers included his firmest language for publication thus far on the relation of the Soviet Union to Chinese Communism. With a simple “yes” he answered the following question:

“Do you feel that if Communist forces in China are not now checked the Communist movement will spread throughout Asia? Do you believe that this spreading Communist movement is part of a plan by the Soviet Union to dominate the entire Far East in a campaign eventually to dominate the entire world?”

The Generalissimo also had been asked to what extent the Chinese Communists serve the aims and interests of the Soviet Union, and what he considered those to be in China, Asia and the world at large.

“I would advise all persons interested in this question to read a document called ‘Theses of the Revolutionary Movement in the Colonies and Semi-Colonies’ adopted at the sixth world congress of the Communist International on December 12, 1928.

“This is the blueprint of Communist revolutionary activities in all of Asia, now being realized step by step. Lenin⁶⁸ stated that the road to conquest of Europe lies through Asia. This policy of the founder and teacher of international Communism is now being pursued by his faithful followers.”

Another question:

“Is there any chance in your opinion that Chinese Communism can or will develop along separatist, nationalist lines, irresponsive to the main currents of the international Communist drive toward world revolution? Is Mao Tse-tung⁶⁹ a puppet or a free agent? Can he be another Tito’?”⁷⁰

Answer: “By the very pronouncement of Chinese Communist leaders as well as by the history of their party, there is nothing to indicate whatsoever that the Communist party in China may break with the center of International Communism, the Cominform, as Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia apparently did.

“The Communist party in China has on many occasions placed on record its full support to the Cominform against Marshal Tito. By a resolution of the whole party, it approved the expulsion of Yugoslavia by the Cominform.

“The latest proof is to [be] found in published articles by Liu Shao-chi,⁷¹ chief of the organization department, and often considered second in command in the Communist party in China. These articles denounced Tito as a ‘Traitor who joined capitalist camp.’

“Further, in those articles, Liu Shao-chi called on the proletariat in all countries to unite and join forces with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe ‘to inflict defeat on the plans of the American imperialists.’

“Any suggestion that the Chinese Communists might break with Moscow is insidious propaganda designed to confuse. Many years ago the Communists used to say that the Communists [in] China were not real Communists at all, but merely ‘agrarian reformers.’ They succeeded in confusing and misleading many people, to their own distinct advantage.

“This talk of Chinese Communism possibly taking a Tito turn is just one more of their propaganda tricks deliberately designed to mislead, and will prove as false and unfounded as their previous efforts to confuse.

“Were Communists permitted to dominate China, her relations with the outside world would be the same as those of other countries now behind the Iron Curtain. They could not possibly be any different.”

Question: “There has been recently a great growth of concern abroad over the trend of events in China, but with it also has grown a fatalistic conviction among many that the situation in China already is beyond repair and that the Communist conquest of China and perhaps of all Asia must run its course. Is it already too late for the United States to help? Will it ever be too late?”

Answer: “The area and population now under Communist domination are less than the area and population under Japanese occupation after one year of the War of Resistance in 1938. That war, as you know, went on for seven more years with increasing intensity until victory was won.

“The erroneous impression that the present situation is beyond repair has been created by Communist propaganda in disseminating defeatism.

“It is my conviction that all struggles for human freedom and nation[al] independence, as against tyranny and foreign domination, must succeed. I do not believe that efforts—either our own efforts or the efforts of friendly countries—to save the situation in China will be too late.

“However, if timely help is not given in China’s anti-Communist fight, the price to be paid by the democratic countries in the future will be beyond comprehension. When Communism cannot be checked in China, it will spread over the whole of Asia.

“Should that occur, another world war would be inevitable. Therefore in view of this and of the responsibility of the democratic countries toward all peace-loving peoples, I must point out that further loss of time in checking Communism in China is decidedly dangerous.”

Question: “Have the Communists won or can they ever win the mass support of the Chinese people in the areas of their military control? Do you believe that the National Government commands popular support there or in areas still beyond Communist conquest? If the Communists do not have popular support what are the chief causes of the Government’s setback?”

Answer: “A reign of terror is holding the people in submission in Communist-held areas. Instead of popular support, the hatred of the people for the Communists is increasing. The Communists themselves have openly admitted that peasant uprisings have occurred and recurred in all areas under their control.

“The people under Communist rule are all hoping for an early restoration of the authority of the National Government. It is a matter of record that a large number of teachers, students, peasants and persons in other walks of life have fled from the Communist areas into government areas despite the difficulties and danger attending such flights. With the exception of a small number of political opportunists, no one cares to live under the Communist regime.

“As regards the causes for the setback of the government, other than military, there are two: First, nonfulfillment by the U.S.S.R. of her obligations under the Sino-Soviet treaty of 1945⁷² which was based upon the Yalta agreement.⁷³ As you know, China made a great sacrifice by signing that treaty.

“In spite of this sacrifice on our part, the U.S.S.R. has not observed her treaty obligations. This has not only prevented restoration of Manchuria to China but has also enabled the Chinese communists to develop a tremendous military force there.

“The second cause is economic. After the sufferings and tribulations sustained by the people during eight years of war against aggression, the country has been further impoverished by the rebellion of the Communists, accompanied by destruction.

“As a result, all of the Chinese people, such as teachers, public servants and soldiers, have been compelled to live for many years below the subsistence line. Many political ills have arisen out of this deteriorating economic situation.”

Question: “How can China win this new War of Resistance? What help does she require? Can the National Government survive without foreign help? Do you expect a third world war?”

Answer: “The first step, it seems to me, is for the United States to reactivate its policy of giving moral support to the Chinese government in its fight against communism. This fight against communism in China is not only a fight for Chinese freedom from the present Communist menace but it is a fight for the peace and security of the free world, which doubtless is the very principle pursued by the United States in other parts of the world.

“The present Communist menace to China is a legacy of the last world war. I take it that the United States with which we fought together and bled together in that war will not be indifferent to what is going on in China, a former ally.

“Nor by her assumption of world leadership in the fight against Communism will the United States exclude China from the scope of her aid. Otherwise the future of the fight by the democratic countries against Communism will be gloomy indeed and the calamity for mankind will be irretrievable.”

Question: “Is there even the slightest possibility now of a negotiated peace with the Communists?”

Answer: “From our experience with dealing with Communists for 25 years we have learned that it is impossible for anyone to reach a settlement with Communists. On this question there is no difference of opinion among members of the Kuomintang or of the government.

“I shall do my utmost further to strengthen the solidarity of the Kuomintang for the fight against Communism.”

Question: “How do you construe your own present or future role in this struggle for China? Under what conditions, if any, would you return to active leadership of the nation?”

Answer: “Since my succession to the revolutionary leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen upon his death,⁷⁴ I have dedicated my life to the cause of the freedom and independence of the Chinese people. In that role I shall continue to carry out this important trust.

“With world Communism threatening to conquer China and destroy her independence and historic civilization, I consider it my duty to do everything I can in rallying all the forces to fight against it.

“Regardless of whether I hold any political office, I cannot give up my revolutionary leadership. That is to say, as long as the independence of the nation and the freedom of the people are not achieved I cannot shirk my responsibility of carrying on the struggle.”

The questions for the generalissimo went through a double translation. From English they had been translated into Chinese for him several days ago. He perused them last week when he was not busy with the round of military and other conferences for which he came to Taipeh on June 22.

Over the week-end, the generalissimo’s answers were recast in English and typed copies of them were handed out Monday as he and his visitors chatted over five o’clock bowlsful of cold-almond-flavored beancurd.

Generalissimo Chiang received the two correspondents, both Americans, in a mountainside guest house of the Taiwan provincial government at Tsaoshan, about 10 miles from the valley capital, Taipeh.

He asked his visitors to convey his earnest best wishes to President Truman, and, as one of the correspondents was from Tokyo, he asked that his felicitations also be passed on to General MacArthur.⁷⁵

From his own small house at Tsaoshan, Generalissimo Chiang motored to the press meeting about a quarter of a mile uphill. But it was a bright, pleasant afternoon and so when the meeting was over he walked home at the head of a covey of bodyguards.

He wore a sun helmet and carried a heavy cane which he could have done without, for the Generalissimo is very spry and often goes strolling for exercise. He was dressed in a high-collared olive drab “Chung Shan” suit, the semi-military garb popularized by Sun Yat-sen for Kuomintang members, but he wore no insignia of any kind.

65. By Clyde Farnsworth, Scripps-Howard correspondent; copy transmitted to the Department by the Consul at Taipei (Edgar) in his despatch No. 33, July 8; received July 18.
66. July 4.
67. Nationalist Party.
68. Soviet Premier who died in 1924.
69. Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
70. Marshal Josip Broz Tito, head of the Yugoslav State and Communist Party.
71. Chairman of Communist All-China Federation of Labor.
72. Signed at Moscow, August 14, 1945; United Nations Treaty Series, vol. x, p. 300.
73. Signed February 11, 1945; Foreign Relations, The Conferences at Malta and Yalta, 1945, p. 984.
74. At Peking, March 12, 1925.
75. General of the Army Douglas MacArthur, Supreme Commander, Allied Powers in Japan (SCAP).