[Enclosure]
An Appeal to the Six Permanent Members of the Atomic
Energy Commission by the President of the General Assembly (Romulo)1
strictly confidential
[New
York,] 3 November 1949.
The paramount problem before this General Assembly is perhaps the
paramount problem before mankind—the control of atomic energy. The
effort to solve this problem is now stalled at dead centre. A plan
proposed by the majority of the Atomic Energy Commission was accepted
last year by the majority of the General Assembly. The Soviet Union has
refused to accept this plan and has proposed a plan of its own. For some
months the six permanent members of the Atomic Energy Commission,
Canada, China, France, the United Kingdom, the United States and the
U.S.S.R., have been engaged in consultations. These consultations have
thus far resulted in nothing more than a restatement of the
deadlock.
Mankind is not prepared to accept a deadlock on a matter so serious to
the future of the whole world. Every effort must be made to explore even
the remotest possibility of an effective agreement.
I am aware of the intensity and sincerity with which the major
protagonists hold to their respective positions. There is reason to [Page 208] believe, however, that all
paths to agreement have not been explored. I consider it my solemn duty,
as President of the General Assembly, to call attention to the absolute
necessity of finding some way out of the dangerous dilemma in which we
now find ourselves. There must be no irrevocable rupture of contact
between the parties; the attempt to find a way out must go on.
I appeal to the General Assembly, and to the parties directly concerned,
to continue by every conceivable means to seek agreement on an effective
system of control and prohibition of atomic weapons. Specifically, I
suggest that attention be directed along these lines:
- 1.
- The possibility of a short-term atomic armistice accompanied
by an inspection system. The world is now faced with the
prospect of a furious and calamitous race for atomic armament.
It would be of inestimable value to discover a means of calling
a halt to this race. If this were possible, it would afford us a
breathing space for the calmer consideration of plans for the
eventual long-term control of atomic energy, and might afford
useful lessons in the administrative and political
practicability of a system of inspection.
- 2.
- The possibility of an interim prohibition on the use of atomic
weapons with adequate safeguards. Some delegations have been
considering plans for an agreement to prohibit the use of atomic
weapons, with or without restrictions on manufacture. Whatever
defects such plans may have, it would be useful to explore them
further.
- 3.
- The possibility of further compromises between the majority
and the minority plans for atomic energy control. Suggestions
have been made recently that provisions for an adequate
inspection could be retained while relaxing to a degree
consistent with security the provisions on ownership and
management of atomic facilities contained in the majority plan.
Further discussions among the interested parties should be held
to clarify this possibility.
- 4.
- The possibility of a new approach to the fundamental problem
of control. A number of scientists have contended that a new
approach can be found in a realistic assessment of the present
requirements of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. It has been
argued that, in the present and immediately foreseeable state of
science, the amount of fissionable materials which could be used
for peaceful purposes is so small that the problem of
controlling the use of such materials for military purposes may
be relatively easier than had previously been envisaged. It is
my understanding that this approach has been given only
relatively little attention in the Atomic Energy
Commission.
I hold no brief for any particular plan that may be proposed under any of
the four points which have been mentioned. But, I feel that here at
least are four paths which should be explored. The reiteration of
previous positions, no matter how earnest or cogent, has kept us turning
in the same circle for three years. It is time to break out of the
circle.
The four paths which are here suggested may not be the only ones. If
there are other possibilities let them be brought forward.
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As President of the General Assembly, I am at the disposal of the parties
to lend any possible assistance. The Secretary-General and his staff are
also ready to do everything within their power to help the parties.
Above all, let us not abandon hope. The means for controlling the
destructive potentialities of this new force must be found. Humanity has
placed its hopes in the United Nations. We must respond with every
resource at our command.
