893.51/7423
Document Prepared in the Department of State86
[Washington,] February 12, 1942.
The problem is to find some way of using in whole or in part the
$500,000,000 credit authorized for China to bolster up the Chinese
monetary and fiscal system in spite of the disruption of commercial and
financial intercourse which normally functions as the channel through
which such international assistance is made effective. Whatever
psychological benefit can be derived from the credit has probably
already largely been realized. Broadly speaking the tangible benefits
which may be realized from the foreign purchasing power made available
to the Government of China would appear to derive from its use for the
purchase of imports or its sale to residents of China in exchange for
domestic purchasing power. China, for the foreseeable future, cannot
effectively use for imports the foreign exchange resources already
available to it. The only effective way of using its dollars immediately
would appear to be by their sale to residents of China or as a guaranty
for the repayment in dollars of the principal of an internal Chinese
loan.
The first would have the advantage of promptly supplying the Chinese
Government with local funds from a source other than the printing press.
Such a plan might be effected by having the Stabilization Board of China
through designated banks undertake sales of dollars in the open market.
It might also to some extent increase the exchange value of the yuan
vis-à-vis the dollar and might at least to a limited extent operate as a
psychological factor against further increase in the price level. On the
other hand it would in effect simply permit a flight of private capital
from China—capital which no doubt has in large part been accumulated
from the easy speculative profits which inhere in a highly inflationary
situation. The possibilities of graft and the abuse of such a system
need hardly be elaborated nor the obvious fact that if the dollars were
sold merely against additional issues of yuan the net result will merely
have been a complete waste of the resources made available to China to
the profit of the fortunate few who were handed good American dollars as
practically a free gift.
The second suggestion, the use of dollars to guaranty the Chinese
internal issue may be somewhat less subject to abuse but would I believe
be materially slower and technically more difficult. A plan of this type
might be put into effect by placing a part of the dollars available from
the credit in a special trust fund to be used for meeting
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the principal of Chinese
internal bonds at maturity. Such a fund might in the interim be invested
in interest bearing United States Government securities. Interest on the
obligations might be payable in yuan of a fixed amount or might be a
variable amount of yuan determined by the official rate between the
dollar and the yuan. Although I do not know how it would appeal to the
Oriental mind consideration might be given to the issuance of a Chinese
security comparable to United States Defense Bonds; that is a security
which would not bear coupon interest but which would sell at a discount
from the stated amount in dollars due so many years in the future.
Both of the foregoing have the objection that Chinese nationals will come
out of the war with several hundred millions of dollars of putative
claims against American goods, services or investments and these largely
in the hands of persons who are very probably on the whole rather
indifferent to the economic welfare of China. In as much, however, as it
is doubtless this class of Chinese who already possess the largest
amount of yuan, any plan involving the acquisition of yuan from the
public at large can hardly avoid this dilemma.
A fuller discussion of the foregoing matters is continued in the attached
excerpt from a memorandum on the general problem of financial assistance
to China which was prepared on December 31, 1941.87
[Annex]
[Washington,] December 31,
1941.
III. Possible Mechanism of
Assistance by the United States
The most practicable methods of assisting China to cope with its
internal financial difficulties appear to be (a) some sort of guaranty of a Chinese internal loan which
might permit the Chinese to acquire currency from the public rather
than by adding to that already in circulation or (b) the sale of dollars by the Stabilization Board of China
against yuan which could be loaned to the National Government to
finance its expenditures. The first expedient has been suggested by
both Arthur Young and Sir Otto Niemeyer. Sir Otto mentioned the
matter to Mr. Cochran when the latter was in Chungking. Sir Otto
suggested the possibility of the Chinese Government issuing an
internal gold loan for a period of approximately fifteen years
secured pro forma on customs revenue after
existing loans; repayment to start five years hence and principal
but not interest to be guaranteed as to one tranche by the British Government and as to the other by
the United States Government; the amount not to exceed
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$40,000,000 for each tranche. Sir Otto put this forward
tentatively with the remark that he might wish to submit the latter
to his Government for consideration. Telegram 516 from
Chungking88 indicates
that he has already done so and Sir Frederick Phillips of the
British Treasury who is here in Washington has heard of it and has
mentioned it to Mr. Cochran. Apparently the scheme has not been
formulated in detail though perhaps this matter should be checked at
once with Phillips.
Mr. Young considered an expedient of this character at some length in
a memorandum which he submitted to Mr. Cochran. In his memorandum
Mr. Young contended that the issuance of foreign currency debt for
general subscription seemed out of the question since payment on
prewar foreign currency bonds was suspended early in 1939. Free
issuance of such bonds he believes would be contrary to sound credit
policy. He also argued that because of American freezing regulations
the public would be hesitant about buying foreign currency
obligations and that the issuance of such bonds might tend further
to hurt confidence in Chinese currency. For these reasons Mr. Young
considered more feasible some form of obligation repayable in
Chinese currency at a guaranteed rate of exchange. Thus, a bond for
one thousand yuan might be payable in Chinese currency at maturity
on the basis of exchange for United States fifty dollars with
interest payments based on the respective rates current when
interest is payable. Mr. Young recognized that in a situation such
as that occupied by China at present the official exchange rates
were likely to be much out of line with the internal purchasing
power of Chinese currency. He thought that to some degree this
situation could be safeguarded as to repayment of principal by
providing that it should be paid at a free market rate or if paid at
official rates these should bear a premium of a fixed percentage—say
20 per cent. A similar provision might apply to interest payments
with payment at a free market rate if any exists or if not payment
to be at some premium over the official rates. Mr. Young pointed out
that in the past the Chinese internal obligations had sold at a
yield of 12 to 13 per cent. He suggested that the bonds guaranteed
by the American and British Governments might be 6 per cent bonds
which he thinks could be issued at par.
It may be that some such expedient as this must be used and that the
matter should be explored with Treasury and with the British. I
understand, however, that the Treasury has traditionally been
opposed to guarantying the issues of a foreign government. It is
quite possible that the Treasury might be somewhat embarrassed by
having bonds which it guaranteed carry such a high rate of interest
as compared to domestic issues. On the other hand, it is possible
that
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Chinese in Free China
would buy bonds at a lower rate of interest if the interest were
payable either in United States dollars or yuan at some premium
above the official rate. Although the dollars would be blocked over
here they would give a reasonable assurance of stability in value
and the Chinese Goverment might assure purchasers of the bonds that
their dollar funds could be held here indefinitely in the form of
bank deposits or United States investments.
In view of the difficulties which may be encountered in attempting to
work out a guaranteed loan, it is possible that primary
consideration should be given to the second alternative mentioned
above, namely the purchase of yuan by the Stabilization Board of
China. In view of present difficulties of shipping goods to China
which will probably become worse before they become any better the
earlier functions of the Board from the foreign exchange point of
view will doubtless be for some time to come comparatively
unimportant. Under these circumstances the Board might well divert a
large part of its attention to internal problems and be used as an
agency for supplying the Chinese Government with yuan which it has
purchased with dollars. A loan of this character could doubtless be
made from the Treasury Stabilization Fund without the additional
legislation that might be required in an operation such as the
guaranty of an internal loan issued by a foreign government.
Since few of the dollars sold could be used to purchase imports into
China it is probable that an expedient of this character would in
essence amount to countering the inflationary trend in China by
facilitating a flight of capital from that country. The success of
the operation would appear to depend in part upon the demand in
China for dollars which would be blocked under our freezing control.
It is possible, of course, that many Chinese might prefer to hold
blocked dollars rather than hoard commodities in China particularly
if the Chinese Government should concurrently undertake vigorous
action against the hoarding of commodities and speculation in
commodities. At the same time some consideration might be given to
the advisability of allowing some fluctation in the yuan-dollar rate
and some trading in dollars in an open market in Free China. This
might divert some of the speculative activity from commodities to
dollars. I should think it would be possible to limit any privileges
of this character to persons in Free China possibly by confining
them to operations effected through certain appointed banks.
It may be noted that Dr. Kung suggested to Mr. Cochran that the
United States Treasury set up in the United States a new and
separate fund in dollars to constitute a reserve backing for the
Chinese currency. Apparently the British Government would be asked
to set up a similar fund. Dr. Kung had not thought his plan out in
detail
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but appeared
anxious that we let the world know and permit him to strengthen
Chinese confidence in the yuan through the knowledge of the
existence of such a fund. Kung apparently did not think it would be
necessary to utilize such sums but thought that the psychological
effect would be sufficient. It was not his idea that such funds
should be turned over to the Stabilization Board and used in the
manner in which the Board was at that time operating.
I am inclined to doubt that any mere psychological gesture of this
character would be effective. However, if Treasury should be
reluctant to the loan with the yuan purchase plan it might be
possible to combine the two by first trying Kung’s idea and by later
gradually beginning the purchase of yuan if the psychological effect
appears inadequate. The objection to such a compromise is that it
would do little to put the Chinese Government in immediate funds
without further resort to the printing press.
It should also be noted that the Department has just been informed
(telegram No. 548 from Chungking, December 3089) that
Chiang has asked for a loan of one billion dollars from this country
and Great Britain. Apparently there is an intent of using this in
part in some unspecified way in connection with an internal bond
issue.
As pointed out above neither of the expedients suggested will be of
much assistance unless the National Government and note issuing
banks follow policies which do not negative the effect of United
States assistance. Both of these plans, of course, are also subject
to the objection that they may induce an influx of yuan from Hong
Kong, Shanghai and other areas of occupied China into Free China.
Such an influx can doubtless be engineered at any time by the
Japanese but so long as the price level in the interior is well
above that on the coast the influx will be not so easily effected as
if there were also a purely financial inducement operating. The
Japanese may, of course, demonetize the yuan in occupied China at
any time it suits their purposes. In the circumstances it would
appear desirable that China give immediate consideration to the
possibility of itself demonetizing national currency in circulation
in occupied China. There are, of course, considerable difficulties
in effecting such a plan. Presumably outstanding notes in occupied
China would have to be validated by some sort of a stamp which could
not be readily copied or counterfeited. Alternatively the old
currency would have to be exchanged for a new issue. In view of Sir
Otto’s suggestion that the National Government assume immediate
control over all bank notes and bank note paper in China,
replacement of old notes by a new issue might not be feasible. There
is also the further difficulty that demonetization of the yuan
currency in
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occupied China
might cause serious losses both to the native population and to
foreign institutions and banks. Since the Chinese Government has
long resisted to the best of its ability the supplanting of the
national currency by currency issued by the invader and his puppets
such a move might be politically difficult to make. I believe,
however, that there are supposed to be some eight billions of yuan
in the Shanghai area. If this money should pour into Free China the
inflationary process would of course be greatly accelerated and this
danger may well outweigh other considerations.