893.00/14913½
Memorandum by the Assistant Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs (Atcheson) to the Secretary of State 65
Mr. Secretary: On November 17, 1942, the Chinese Minister at Washington66 read over the New York Herald Tribune Forum a message from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to the American people. A newspaper text of the message is attached.67
Among the points made in this message, the following are of interest:
1. China repudiates the idea of “leadership of Asia”, as such leadership would mean a continuation of the authoritarian principles which have been synonymous in Chinese minds with the domination and exploitation that China has suffered in the past.
This declaration is significant. It is in keeping with the logic of China’s position and its language is unequivocal; however, strict adherence to it by China might be made dependent upon a later “effective organization of world unity”, called for by Generalissimo Chiang. At the same time, the declaration precludes the idea of a “leadership of Asia” by non-Asiatic powers. A probable motive in making the declaration at this time is the desire of the Chinese Government to forestall accusations that China aims to supplant Japan in a dangerous overlordship of Asia.
[Page 259]Editorial comments in the New York Times and the New York Herald Tribune recognize the importance of this statement and both warmly acclaim it. The Herald Tribune remarks that Generalissimo Chiang’s repudiation of imperialist nationalism and acceptance of some rational limitation upon the concepts of untrammeled sovereignty is perhaps the clearest statement yet made on this subject by any of the heads of the United Nations.
2. In appealing for a world order that will achieve the aims of the United Nations, Generalissimo Chiang urges (a) that its organization be begun immediately and (b) that it embrace all the peoples of the world. His proposal that the principles of justice for all peoples be applied without delay “among ourselves even at some sacrifice” may be construed as referring to treatment not only of China but of India as well. The note of immediacy in organizing a world order was also sounded recently by Dr. T. V. Soong.
3. The message points out that the Chinese are democratic by instinct and tradition and that, given the untrammeled opportunity, China will develop democratic processes of government. It should be noted that, while social democracy, equality of opportunity and rudimentary forms of local self-government are traditional in China, our concept of government with the consent of the governed is not native to China, nor have the democratic principles of freedom of speech and assembly and the elective franchise been generally operative there. It will probably be many years, even under favorable conditions, before political democracy in our sense can be made an actuality in China.
4. The promise of economic justice for the masses has a ring of sincerity, aided by the candid admission that China has far to go before this objective is achieved. However, growing criticism in many quarters of the failure of the Chinese National Government to implement Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s social and economic tenets, may be in part responsible for the renewed emphasis on economic justice in the message. In addition, the Chinese Government thus places itself in a more favorable position vis-à-vis the Chinese Communists, whose proposals for concrete reforms have aroused sympathetic interest abroad.
A further motive for the increased emphasis on democracy and economic liberalism at this time might be the desire of the Chinese Government to identify itself more closely with these principles in anticipation of the expected weight they will have in the peace conference.