893.20/764½
Memorandum by the Adviser on Political Relations (Hornbeck)38
It appears that late in February or early in March 1942, in the course of a conversation between the President and Dr. T. V. Soong there came up a suggestion that Chiang Kai-shek send to this country a highly qualified military representative; and that the President expressed to T. V. Soong a desire that that action be taken. There upon T. V. Soong apparently informed Chiang Kai-shek of this conversation and urged that such a military representative be sent at once. [At that time the Chinese Ambassador informed Mr. Hornbeck of those developments, saying that he, the Ambassador, felt that this was not a desirable course but that he understood that the President had indicated that he especially desired that this be done, under which circumstances, he said, he and his associates could not oppose it.]39
[Page 176]On March 11 the American Ambassador at Chungking telegraphed the Department40 that announcement of the personnel of the Chinese Military Mission which was to go to Washington had been made on the previous day at a press conference and the Embassy, upon request from the Foreign Office, had issued diplomatic visas for eight persons named. In that telegram there followed brief sketches, with comments, of the members of the Mission. With regard to General Hsiung Shih-hui, Mr. Gauss stated, “It appears that his place in the confidence of the Generalissimo rather than ability as a military man determined his selection”. [The fact that General Hsiung has the confidence of the Generalissimo has been affirmed and emphasized by several persons, including Dr. Hu Shih41 and Dr. George Shepherd (a Canadian national who has long resided in China and who is known to have been for a long time a close confidant and adviser of the Generalissimo and Madame Chiang)].41a
General Hsiung and his staff arrived in Washington in early April. It apparently was General Hsiung’s concept that his business was with military authorities and that he need not concern himself regarding other possible contacts. He did not call at the State Department or upon any officer thereof. Late in May or early in June the Chinese Ambassador informed Mr. Hornbeck that General Hsiung had been in Washington for some weeks and had been shown little or no attention by anyone and was becoming discontented and restless. At about that time there appeared in the New York press a story apparently based on an interview or a press conference in which emphasis was laid upon the desirability of better coordination of action among the Allies and an account was given of General Hsiung’s mission to and presence in this country and of the fact that no attention had been paid him and no use been made of him. The Chinese Ambassador said to Mr. Hornbeck that this situation was unfortunate in as much as General Hsiung had come to this country on invitation of the President, and the Ambassador hoped that something might be done to improve the situation. Mr. Hornbeck asked the Ambassador to give him an informal memorandum stating the facts as the Ambassador understood them. The Ambassador undertook to do this. Several days later, no memorandum having arrived, Mr. Hornbeck repeated his request for a memorandum. The memorandum never came. It was obvious that the Ambassador did not wish to be involved. In that same connection, Mr. Hornbeck suggested that the Ambassador bring General Hsiung to call on Far Eastern officers of the Department and indicated that in due course he would try to [Page 177] arrange for the Secretary to receive General Hsiung. The Ambassador did not follow up on this suggestion.
Some weeks later, Mr. Lattimore42 talked to Mr. Hornbeck about General Hsiung’s discontent. Mr. Hornbeck informed Mr. Lattimore briefly of antecedents in the situation and told Mr. Lattimore that officers in the Department would be more than glad to receive General Hsiung. Mr. Lattimore said that General Hsiung felt that officers of the Department should call on him first. Mr. Hornbeck then took the matter up with the Chinese Ambassador and through the Chinese Ambassador invited General Hsiung to meet him and the Chief of the Far Eastern Division, Mr. Hamilton. That meeting took place within a few days, and shortly thereafter Mr. Hornbeck and Mr. Hamilton called on General Hsiung at General Hsiung’s residence in Chevy Chase.
Mr. Hornbeck thereafter took occasion to bring the problem of General Hsiung to the attention of the Joint Intelligence Committee, with suggestion that appropriate officers of the Army give consideration to the political and psychological angles of this matter. Mr. Hornbeck and Mr. Hamilton arranged for the Secretary to receive General Hsiung, and that arrangement was carried out.
It is understood that General Marshall has received General Hsiung at intervals and that General Hsiung has attended meetings of the Joint Staff once a month at which he and other invited visitors are asked and encouraged to make reports. [It is understood that General Hsiung has expressed an opinion that these meetings are a “waste of time”.]43 With regard to treatment accorded under the categories of protocol and social hospitality: — General Hsiung when he came to Washington chose to take a residence in Chevy Chase (directly north of the Chevy Chase Club); he has established no office or place of rendezvous in downtown Washington. Notwithstanding the matter of distance, it is understood that high officers of the Army and the Navy have duly called on General Hsiung. On October 10 (China’s “Independence” day), some 400 persons, mostly from official life, including the highest officers of the Army and the Navy attended a reception given at his residence by General Hsiung. General Hsiung’s presence at various “parties” has been noted by officers of this Department: for example, at a party given by General Deane at the officers club at the War College, at a party given by General Chu44 at his residence in Bethesda, parties given by foreign diplomats, two parties given by Mr. Hornbeck (one of which was for General Hsiung). General Hsiung is known to have been entertained by a number of prominent people in New York.
[Page 178]It appears that General Hsiung regards himself as a personal representative of Chiang Kai-shek and that he regards his presence in Washington as more important than that of the Chinese Ambassador and the Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs. On the political and military side it apparently is his belief that China’s position as an active participant in the United Nations war effort is not given the attention which it deserves. Chiang Kai-shek has, as we know, constantly contended for closer cooperation on the part of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and China in the fields of military planning, command and operations. General Hsiung apparently desires that such cooperation be effected and be signalized by his being taken into the organization of the Combined Chiefs of Staff. The fact that China is represented in the Pacific Council (by T. V. Soong) apparently does not, in the thought of Generalissimo Chiang and General Hsiung, constitute representation of China in the military councils of the Allies.
The problem presented in this case is political and psychological. It involves and calls for action taking adequate account of Generalissimo Chiang’s and General Hsiung’s personalities, characteristics and susceptibilities. The handling of it devolves primarily upon the War Department and the Army.
There is little if anything that the Department of State can do over and above what it has already done in relation to this matter. It may, however, be not inappropriate for us to suggest that the paying by the President of some attention to General Hsiung might be helpful. The President could, probably more effectively than any other person or group of persons, explain to General Hsiung the existing setup with regard to planning, command and operations, and the considerations on which that setup rests. Granting by the President to General Hsiung of an interview would give General Hsiung “face”, which apparently is something which he feels has been denied him and to which he apparently aspires. [The factor of “face” is of tremendous importance in dealing with the Chinese—even to the nth person, the Generalissimo].45 Arrangement by some agency high within the Army organization to accord General Hsiung at least a semblance of regular participation in some type of deliberative and/or consultative activity would also, it is believed, be helpful.
Whatever may be our feelings on the subject of the reasonableness or unreasonableness of General Hsiung’s (and Chiang Kai-shek’s) concepts, desires, discontent, et cetera, four simple facts which are of importance need to be kept in mind in our consideration of ways and means: (1) General Hsiung is of the “old school” among Chinese dignitaries, which school sets great store by courtesies and everything connected [Page 179] with “face”; (2) General Hsiung is a close personal friend, confidant and trusted adviser of Generalissimo Chiang; (3) practically all Chinese officials are now substantially influenced by the running tide of Chinese nationalism and are sensitive on the subject of China’s importance; (4) General Hsiung is reputed to be a man “who makes friends and foes and keeps them”.
It may be added that, although he does not speak English, General Hsiung has a good interpreter, is studying and has quite a little understanding of English, has an agreeable manner, and is easy to converse with.
- Attached is a memorandum by Mr. Hornbeck to the Secretary of State dated November 19, which states: “My office and FE suggest that you might hand this dossier to the President with a suggestion that he hand it to the Secretary of War—for reference by the Secretary of War to the Chief of Staff.”↩
- Brackets appear in the original.↩
- Telegram not printed.↩
- Former Chinese Ambassador in the United States.↩
- Brackets appear in the original.↩
- Owen Lattimore, Political Adviser to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, 1941–42.↩
- Brackets appear in the original.↩
- Gen. Chu Shih-ming, Chinese Military Attaché in the United States.↩
- Brackets appear in the original.↩