740.00/656: Telegram
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom (Kennedy) to the Secretary of State
[Received March 22—5:50 p.m.]
389. My 388, March 22, 7 p.m., in particular last paragraph. Replies to the British Government’s proposals sent to Russia, Poland and France for signature of a joint declaration that the four countries would enter into discussions regarding concerted measures which might have to be taken in the event of an attack by Germany against any Eastern European state have not been received. The Foreign Office has, however, received certain preliminary reactions and observations which may be summarized as follows:
(1) Russia. M. Litvinoff has expressed great disappointment at the rejection of his earlier proposals for a conference, which he still prefers. Russia has in no way committed herself with regard to the draft declaration and M. Bonnet since his arrival in London has expressed the opinion that if anything is to be got from Russia she will have to be pinned down to a precise definition of exactly what she will do, as the Russians have a great predilection for making international propaganda by public statements, which do not commit them to anything.
(2) Poland indicates fears of Germany and expresses dislike of cooperation with Russia. She says that if she gives her adherence to the declaration proposed by the British it would take her definitely off the fence and put her in the Soviet camp against Germany. She indicates that it would be easier for her to go along with Great Britain and France if Russia were out of the picture. The British proposal, however, will be further examined.
[Page 93](3) France. The French think it is time to call a halt to Germany but feel that it is necessary to know exactly how each country stands and exactly what action each country would take. M. Bonnet has expressed the view to Lord Halifax that the adherence of Poland to the proposed declaration is of vital importance and that it should be secured even if Poland had to be threatened. He apparently did not specify in what way Poland could be threatened.
Although the proposed declaration has not been submitted by the British Government to Turkey, the Turkish Ambassador has been informed of it by the Foreign Secretary. The Ambassador said to Lord Halifax that he could sneak with confidence and full knowledge of Turkish policy and that his country would go to all lengths with Great Britain if assured of British support and if Turkey could rely on British assistance should she herself be attacked in the Mediterranean. Turkey would depart from neutrality only if on the side of Great Britain. Her attachment to this relationship is unconditional and would not be affected by Polish and Russian replies. Apart from this, Turkey is prepared to fulfill all her existing treaty obligations.
It will be seen from the foregoing features great are the difficulties of reaching any agreement on concerted action against Germany. Each country wants to know what the other one is going to do and if the views of the smaller countries are to be met to a degree sufficient to insure their cooperation, Great Britain and France will have to assume burdens of incalculable responsibility. With the Munich agreement washed away, an entirely new line of action has to be worked out and applied. Responsible officials indicate that the British Government has no attachment to solution along any doctrinaire line but that it is examining every possibility which might offer a lead to effective machinery for stemming German aggression. Such possibilities are therefore being examined solely from the viewpoint of what is practicable and expedient.