803.01 Manchuria/797
The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State
[Received January 30.]
Sir: The Tokyo Nichi-Nichi, English Edition, of December 10, 1932, carried the following article regarding a movement to crown Pu Yi as Emperor of Manchuria:
“Hsinking, Dec. 8—A movement is afoot among loyalists in Manchukuo to found the Manchukuo Empire with Chief Executive Henry Pu I as its Sovereign. Messrs. Chen Pao-chen87 and Lo Chen-yu88 are the prime movers.
There are two groups of Manchurians who have started the movements. One aspires for the restitution of Mr. Henry Pu I with the [Page 66] ultimate object of gradually extending Manchukuo’s influence to China, while the other group simply wants to have the former “Boy Emperor” of China made Emperor of Manchukuo. The latter movement is supported by the Manchuria-Mongolia Self Rule Association and several other public organizations.
The “restoration” of the former Emperor with the object of extending Manchukuo’s influence to China so that Mr. Henry Pu I will recover his former domain, runs counter to the fundamental aims of the establishment of Manchukuo, and the Manchukuo Government as well as the Japanese authorities are not countenancing the movement.
They have, however, no objection to the movement for the establishment of the Manchukuo Empire so long as the aims of the establishment of Manchukuo are not lost and the democratic principles are maintained in the administration of the country.”
The Consul at Dairen, under date of December 14, 1932, reports that he had a conversation with Mr. Hallett Abend (correspondent in China of the New York Times), who had just visited Manchuria. The Consul submitted the following summary of the conversation:
“Mr. Abend stated that the movement to make Pu Yi emperor of a Manchurian monarchy was the most significant development in Manchuria. He stated that there was ample evidence to convince him that the movement had assumed proportions which made its accomplishment highly probable. Asked whether he had been able to deduce any particular reasons for the movement taking place at this time, he stated that he believed that it was closely connected with the plans of the Japanese Army in North China. With Pu Yi as Emperor of Manchuria, the old plan for the restoration of the Ching dynasty, consequent to an independence movement in North China, might be smoothly and unsensationally accomplished.”
From the American Consul General at Mukden comes a report to the effect that information which reached the Consulate General indicated that Tokyo had instructed the “Manchukuo” authorities to arrange that Pu Yi be installed about January 1, 1933, as Emperor Hsuantung of a Manchu-Mongol Empire. This was to be done for the purpose of obtaining the support of the Mongolians and the Chinese monarchists (including those in North China) for the present régime in Manchuria, and to facilitate a, possible extension of the territory controlled by the present régime in the extra-mural districts of North China.
This Embassy for some time past has considered it probable that the Japanese will try to find some road out of the difficulties in which they find themselves as a result of their Manchurian venture. This enterprise has aroused great distrust and opposition abroad, and is proving ruinously and increasingly expensive. They are evidently playing for time at Geneva, and meanwhile are seeking some solution [Page 67] by which they can placate the rest of the world without weakening their position.
It is possible that the answer to the question of “What are the Japanese going to do about it?” can be found in the proposal to establish a Manchurian-Mongol Empire headed by a representative of the ancient Manchu dynasty and embracing practically all of the extra-mural region of North China. Many Japanese believe that such an empire could be established ostensibly (and perhaps to a great degree actually) with the consent and cooperation of the inhabitants of Manchuria and Mongolia, who, while objecting vigorously to a puppet government foisted on them by the Japanese Army, might welcome the restoration of an ancient dynasty. The world could not oppose the spontaneous establishment of a government approved by the inhabitants, and therefore a part of the Chinese case before the League of Nations would fall to the ground. The Japanese Government would not “lose face” by switching its recognition from the present to the new regime, and would, to some extent at least, rid itself of the incubus of the present puppet state. With the active opposition of the people of Manchuria eliminated, the military cost of the Manchurian expedition would be greatly lessened. At the same time, the Japanese Army, being in present control of the situation, could undoubtedly dictate any terms desired as conditions for permitting the establishment of a monarchy, and could thereby perpetuate the advantages gained for Japan as a result of the occupation of Manchuria. It is not possible that the Army would to any great degree relinquish its control of the territory.
That Japan may be considering the establishment of a Manchurian-Mongol Empire as a partial solution, at least, of the Sino-Japanese difficulties, is only supposition on the part of the Embassy, as no definite information can be obtained on the subject. There is some evidence, however, that Pu Yi and his adherents expect that he will be reinstated on the throne of the empire; that there is considerable support for such a move from certain elements in Manchuria and Mongolia, and that the move is receiving some support from Japanese. It is believed, however, that the move is opposed by the class of fanatical Japanese, both in and out of the Army, who hope to establish an ideal government in “Manchukuo”, creating there a “Happy Valley” for the benefit of Japanese, Manchus, Mongols and Koreans.
Respectfully yours,