Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1932, The Far East, Volume IV

711.94/730

The Ambassador in Japan (Grew) to the Secretary of State

No. 131

Tokyo, September 21, 1932.
[Received October 10.]

Sir: There is enclosed herewith a copy of a report from the Military Attaché to the War Department on the subject of propaganda against the United States in Japan. It may well be of interest to the Department as it is carefully prepared, and contains much historical background. There is no doubt that in certain official and even in non-official circles there is much suspicion of the United States and its motives. The enclosed report covers this situation in considerable detail.

In transmitting this report, however, I feel that I should invite attention to the surprising extent to which this suspicion of the United States is affecting the public here. There are many people who believe that the United States is deliberately planning war against Japan. The fact that it is not true has no bearing on their state of mind. The Army and even a large part of the Navy are convinced that it is true. These elements in turn affect the public, especially the ex-service men’s associations, which constitute an influential part of the population. Jingoistic utterances before the Military and Naval Committees of the House and Senate seem to be taken at their face value by military men here, and the United States is credited with a desire to destroy Japan because the country is felt to be an obstacle to American schemes for the absolute control of the Far East. Highly placed personages here give some credence to this belief. Many Japanese feel that the burst of moral indignation in the United States over the Manchurian and Shanghai affairs was not dismay at the apparent breaking up of world peace machinery, but merely an attempt to place Japan in a bad light.

This feeling is aggravated, of course, by the war psychology which is the most noticeable feature of public thought in Japan at the moment. Time and much patience will be needed before normal conditions prevail in Japan.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Respectfully yours,

Joseph C. Grew

[Enclosure]

Memorandum by the Assistant Military Attaché in Japan (Cranford)²¹

The Japanese people are very susceptible to propaganda of any kind; it is a heritage from the olden days, when the whole country was illiterate and they revered the scholars and the written word Though times have changed and Japan is one of the most literati countries in the world today, the written word, in any form, is still respected and believed in implicitly. This is due mainly to the fact that as a people they have not analytical minds and that for centuries they have accepted blindly just what they have been told and not bothered about investigating the truth of things, as well as to the fact that nine-tenths of them lived in utmost subjugation for centuries. Therefore, the press, sensational as it is and controlled by rigid censorship, plays a most important part in spreading propaganda of any kind. Only that which the “powers that be” want printed, is printed. For example, only the Japanese version of the Manchurian and Shanghai affairs has appeared, not only in the vernacular but in the foreign language papers printed in Japan as well.

Propaganda has been utilized by the Japanese many times in the past for her various purposes, but what we are interested in particularly is the propaganda bearing on our relations with Japan, and other correlated subjects.

The ill-feeling that exists today between Japan and the United States is largely due to the propaganda disseminated by certain groups concerning the several diplomatic questions which have arisen between the two countries. They are not only the guilty ones, for the anti-Japanese jingoists in America have furnished them fuel for the fire.

This anti-American feeling is due to the excessive pride and sensitiveness of the Japanese which springs from a real racial inferiority complex, and to what they term America’s meddling in the Far East to the hindrance of Japan’s imperialistic policy, which they call natural expansion.

This ill-feeling first appeared shortly after the Russo-Japanese War when the Japanese war party found themselves the dominant group in Japan. They at once determined to build up an army and a military state along Prussian lines, but to build up such a machine and to maintain it, meant that the martial spirit of the country be kept at a high pitch, which naturally necessitated some hypothetical enemy. After their technical victory over Russia, danger from that direction ceased to exist. The Portsmouth Treaty of 1905²² caused the first ill-feeling against the United States. Japan believed that we were responsible for their losing the large indemnity demanded, and the following year the California school troubles increased this ill-feeling.²³ Due to this and to our proximity (China being negligible), we were selected as their hypothetical enemy in order to further their plans. It is an established fact that since then the Military clique have been the principal agitators against the United States and that each time their star is in the ascendant, there is a decided increase in the anti-American feeling.

Events since 1905 have not helped to obliterate this feeling. Several times, in fact, it has reached a point where war between the two countries appeared to be inevitable, but fortunately it was averted. Such questions as Mr. Harriman’s scheme to take over control of all the railways in Manchuria; Mr. Knox’s proposal in 1909 for the neutralization of the Manchurian railway;²⁴ Japanese-American racial disputes in California in 1913;²⁵ the California Alien Land Laws of 1920²⁶ and 1924;²⁷ and the Immigration Act of 1924,²⁸ have all served to intensify this ill-feeling. These have been thorns to irritate Japanese pride, especially the Immigration Act, by which they felt that they had been grossly discriminated against on account of their race. Viscount Kentaro Kaneko summed up the national attitude in 1927 when he said, “Not only will we not forget it, but we will never forgive”. The Japanese consider themselves the equals, if not superior, to all races and look down with contempt upon the Koreans and Chinese. They are revengeful, too, and this spirit, coupled with their wounded pride and imperialistic ideas, was largely responsible for the present Manchurian troubles.

After the immediate excitement over the Immigration Act of 1924 had subsided it looked as though their feelings towards America were improving, because the Japanese and many Americans as well were working assiduously to have the discriminatory clause in the Act revised. Besides, the Government of Japan was largely in the power of the business interests who have large and important dealings with the United States, and have always been and still are very friendly inclined towards America. During this time the military was relegated to the background, and an uncompleted investigation in the summer of 1931 indicated that Japan, as a whole, was probably more friendly towards the United States, except for the lingering resentment over the Immigration Act, than at any time since the Russo-Japanese War.

The Military, however, had not forgotten their past enmity. In 1927, a British officer attached to a Japanese regiment told the writer that many of the officers of his regiment were anti-American and that several of them openly stated that war between the two countries was only a question of time. On the other hand, American officers attached to regiments were treated with utmost courtesy. The writer, for instance, served six months with an Artillery Regiment and three months at the Japanese Artillery School on the most friendly terms with all officers but one. Whether this was due to personal dislike or ill-feeling against the United States, was never learned.

The Army’s best method of spreading propaganda lies in the Seishin Kyoiku (the Training of the Military Spirit). Each unit, no matter how small, receives daily instructions from non-coms and officers in this. Rest period on practice marches and manoeuvres are also utilized to build up the martial spirit and to indoctrinate the recruits. Into this, undoubtedly, they have incorporated what anti-American propaganda they deemed necessary. Consequently, after the term of service is over, these men return home with the seeds of ill-feelings, which they spread among their families and friends. In 1923, the Quartermaster at Nagasaki encountered some Japanese children playing soldier and asked them what they were doing. They replied that they were training to fight America. Such ideas could only have been put into their small heads by their parents. In 1925 the extension of military training in schools broadened their field for propaganda, and the large number of reservists and ex-soldier associations have always been inculcated with Army propaganda. Besides this direct method, the Army publishes several magazines and papers designed solely for the dissemination of military propaganda.

After the Army the most anti-American factions of the Japanese are the reactionaries and ultra-patriotic societies, now termed fascists. Shortly after the Immigration Act they held several demonstrations against the United States. They are closely connected with the Army who uses them in furthering its own designs. Although most of their propaganda has been directed against the United States, their ambitions lie in another direction, namely, Manchuria. For years the Army has been held in check by saner counsels, but in September of 1931 they broke loose. To those who were in Mukden when it was first occupied by the Japanese it was apparent that their Army were greatly concerned over how their action would be viewed abroad especially in the United States. As time passed on, however, and no steps were taken to hinder them, they became bolder, drove out the Chinese forces, and eventually established the State of Manchuria.

With the occupation of Manchuria, the relations between Japan and the United States entered upon a new footing. The Military, through diverse means and “patriotic associations” have seized not only the control of Manchuria, but the reins of power in Japan as well. Disregarding the attempts of the League of Nations to bring about a settlement of the Manchurian question, they look upon the United States as the main obstacle in their imperialistic expansion on the continent of Asia. Consequently, there has been a great increase in anti-American feeling here amongst all classes. This was not so apparent until the Shanghai incident broke out, but becomes increasingly noticeable as time goes on. There were many rumors at that time concerning a possible war between the two countries; — one, to the effect that two American destroyers had been sunk by the Japanese off Formosa; another and evidently inspired, was that the American sailors had deserted their ships in Honolulu and fled into Mexico rather than face the Japanese warships. That they accepted this preposterous tale as quite plausible, is an excellent example of the credulous ignorance of the people at large. The concentrating of the American Fleet off California for manoeuvres around Hawaii caused considerable excitement in Japan, and Mr. Stimson’s note of January 7th²⁹ intensified this feeling. Reports indicated that the anti-American feeling was higher than it had been since 1924. That the military were partly responsible for this is almost certain. One missionary reported that several conscripts of their church had come to them and said that they had been called in to fight the United States, an impression that was given them by their orders. Since that time there are many indications that this feeling still exists and that it is fostered steadily by propaganda, which must be ascribed to the Japanese Army, as they are absolutely in control of the country and exercise a rigid censorship over the press.

Mr. Shiratori of the Foreign Office is in charge of the Press Relations Section. He is closely allied with the War Department, and upon several occasions has complicated the relations between the two countries by misinterpreting two statements of Mr. Stimson. This occurred once during the Shanghai trouble and again recently,³⁰ when the Secretary of State made his speech before the Foreign Relations Council in New York.³¹

The press and many associations have repeatedly warned the United States against meddling in the Manchurian affair. As the time for the publication of the League of Nations [Report] draws near, these warnings are more frequent. In addition to this, the number of articles and books dealing with the possibility of a war with the United States have increased in number. Many of them, from the facts and the statistics they contain, clearly show that the writer has at least an understanding with the Army and Navy Departments, if not access to their files. All of them deal with the possible war on the Pacific and Manchuria’s connection therewith, under such titles as “What effect will the Manchurian Affair Have on the War of the Pacific?”, “Japan’s Invasion of the Philippines”, “Japanese Invasion of Hawaii”, “Blowing Up the Panama Canal”, “Air Raid on Alaska”, etc. Fifteen of the leading magazines have carried 36 such articles since the first of the year, and to our knowledge, 13 books on this subject have appeared in the Japanese language, one in 1924, one in 1925, one in 1929, two in 1930, and eight in 1932. One of the latest books have gone through 50 editions, while two others have had 20 editions, clearly showing that it is a popular subject. No articles [records?] have been kept of the articles in the newspapers enlarging upon American interference in Japan’s schemes, but they must run up into the thousands.

The following quotation is from a recent article in the Hochi Shimbun. Its author is Mr. K. Kawakami, their correspondent in Washington, and is of particular interest as it shows that not only the ill-feeling exists but that it has been inspired by propaganda.

“Japanese who travel through America and learn something of the country by reading newspapers and magazines and meeting Americans in various walks of life speak to me as follows:

‘What has surprised me most since coming to the United States is the comparative quiet of anti-Japanese sentiment. While in Japan there was a time when I thought the United States would declare war against us. I took it for granted that the anti-Japanese sentiment was widespread throughout the country and that newspapers and magazines were encouraging war. Not only have Americans been kind to me personally, but there is no atmosphere of challenge about public opinion. The situation is unexpected and I feel happy over it’”.

A strong contrast to what they see in their own papers.

The reactionary societies are not far behind the military in their activities in this line. A few of them wish to return to the isolation of feudal days, while the large majority have fallen in line with the Army[’s] imperialistic schemes and denounce America, not only for her actions over the Nine Power Treaty and Manchuria, but for attempting in the past to limit Japan to her island kingdom. It is now proposed to send Admiral Kichisaburo Nomura, until recently Commander of the Japanese naval forces in Shanghai, to the United States to explain Japan’s position. The Japan Production Party under Mr. Ryohei Uchida, one of the largest so-called patriotic associations in Japan, protested against this and delivered the following statement to the naval authorities:

“The Japan Production Party considers such an attitude, despite the fact that public opinion is rising and strongly demanding chastisement of America for its arrogance and impudence towards Japan, as flattering and low diplomacy, highly derogatory to the national prestige of Japan”.

From the rural districts come reports that there is continual propaganda being spread against the United States. The Naval Attaché on a recent inspection trip to Northern Japan witnessed an amusing spectacle. In Minato he saw a parade of reservists and in rear was a cart upon which was mounted a large globe, the size of the United States grossly exaggerated upon it, while Japan was represented by a small red dot. On top of the globe, was a Japanese sailor waving a Japanese flag, and soldiers in uniform with steel helmets and rifles. How many similar demonstrations have been held throughout the country is not known, but there have probably been many.

For many years there has been some talk of a Monroe Doctrine for Asia with Japan as the controlling factor. It has been revived and enlarged upon within the past month, largely as a result of the question of recognition of Manchukuo. In the August extraordinary session of the Diet Mr. Kaku Mori (Seiyukai and a connecting link between the party and the Army), delivered a very significant speech upon the subject of Asia for the Asiatics. It was rumored that the Foreign Minister, Count Uchida, would refer to this in his address, but it was probably thought inadvisable for him to do so. It is alleged that Mr. Mori’s speech was written in the Foreign Office. Viscount Kaneko (member of the Privy Council and until the Immigration Act, President of the America-Japan Society), has lately written several articles on this and delivered a speech before a large group of Army officers on the subject. He claims that the idea was first proposed to him just after the Portsmouth Treaty by President Roosevelt who recommended it strongly and assured him of his official support. This has attracted a great deal of attention, and coming at this time, indicates that an attempt is being made to use it for propaganda.

The United States has not been the only target for their propaganda. Both China and Soviet Russia have come in for their share. During the worst of the fighting in North Manchuria the Japanese press openly accused the Soviets of supplying the Chinese with arms and ammunition, and they have accused them with plots to destroy railroads, bridges, etc., in Manchuria, as well as trying to undermine the new State and Japanese influence in Manchuria. The concentration of Soviet troops along the border has also been played up, and a possible war between Japan and Soviet Russia is discussed nearly as much as the possibility of a war with the United States. Articles appearing in the press and magazines are too numerous to mention.

China, and especially Chang Hsueh-liang, have been accused of every kind of crime and intrigue. Just now, through well-controlled propaganda, they are preparing the way for further actions in Jehol, if not in other sections of China. From press accounts, all of China is intensely anti-Japanese without justifiable reason and is planning the recapture of Manchuria and further boycott of Japanese goods. Besides, they continually refer to the chaotic political state of China and to the spread of Communism. Recently they claim that all of Northern China is anxious to secede, come to terms with Japan and Manchukuo, and form an independent state.

Besides this propaganda against foreign countries there is considerable propaganda for home consumption. Every action of their military and naval officers is played up as much as possible, and the goings and comings of the higher ranking officers, their views of various subjects, the return of soldiers and the remains of those killed in battle, etc., receive much publicity. Exhibitions of weapons and equipment used by the Japanese and those captured in Manchuria and Shanghai and lectures of all sorts have been sponsored by the Army in many places throughout the country to keep up the popular interest. Numerous moving pictures based on Shanghai and Manchuria have been produced, many of them assisted by the War Department. Speeches over the radio by military men and other prominent men have been used extensively. The children have not been neglected and the glorious valor of their army is taught to them in schools. Military items have been included in journals; magazines and periodicals, lectures have been given in schools and to boy scouts and other similar organizations; special motion pictures for children are being prepared and a special publication by the Army for school children is planned. Through such means they keep the Army and its achievements before the public in order to maintain the martial spirit and their own popularity. That this propaganda has been successful goes without saying. A glimpse at any toy shop, and they are numerous in Japan, will reveal the military inclinations of the people. There one can find toy soldiers, tanks, helmets, uniforms, rifles, armored motor cars, airplanes, anti-aircraft guns, howitzers, cannons, besides the usual pop guns, bugles and drums. In the fire works stalls there are the “Three Human Bombs”, the Japan news of the Shanghai affair, and many other ingenious devices simulating war. The public is solidly behind the army as is proved by the above and the many contributions of money and weapons made by all sections of the Empire. Just at present the spirit is kept alive by the question of the recognition of Manchukuo and the probability of an unfavorable report by the League of Nations.

There is another sort of Japanese propaganda current just as strong as the anti-[foreign?] propaganda and that for home consumption. This is for foreign consumption and aims to justify Japan’s actions in Manchuria abroad. This is being carried out by the Foreign Office, Japanese news agencies, Japanese organizations of all kinds, private individuals and hired foreign propagandists. That of the Foreign Office comes in its usual routine work and aims at the officials of various countries and at the same time they give out statements to the foreign newspaper correspondents in hopes they will assist them in this propaganda. There are two large news agencies in Japan, the Government subsidized Rengo, which distributes Associated Press news in Japan, and the Nippon Dempo, partly owned by the United Press. Both of these engage in propaganda, but little of it gets out to America as both American services have their own American correspondents who have spent many years in Japan. Other services and some individual papers have their representatives here and neither do they fall so easily for official [propaganda?]. Some of the articles by these men have been slightly influenced by Japanese propaganda, but as a whole they have stuck pretty close to the facts. The Chamber of Commerce and other organizations and individuals have sent letters and delegations abroad in an effort to try to justify Japan’s position. Among the more prominent men who have been to the United States on this mission were Count Kabayama and Mr. Komatsu last fall. Dr. I. Nitobe is in America at present defending Japan’s actions, and the zeal which he is showing on behalf of the Army seems a little ludicrous to some observers here who remember that last winter he was rather outspoken against the Army. Mr. Ozaki, the veteran politician, is in Europe, but he is not so active in his defence as is Dr. Nitobe. In Geneva there has been a large staff, and when the League meets to consider the Commission’s report, this staff will be much larger. Among the foreigners employed by the Japanese are: Dr. Thomas Baty, Britisher, of the Foreign Office, who attempted in a recent article to show that Japan had not violated the Nine Power Treaty; Mr. Henry Wadsworth Kinney, long employed by the South Manchuria Railway and who just returned from the United States on propaganda work; and last but not least, Mr. George Bronson Rea, American, whose Far Eastern Review, an engineering journal published in Shanghai, has long been subsidized by the Japanese Government, and apparently its whole purpose since the Manchurian trouble has been to damn the Chinese and exalt Rea’s masters, the Japanese. The basis of all these people’s arguments is that Japan has done no wrong, violated no treaties, and is working for universal peace by sponsoring the new state of Manchukuo which was founded upon the principle of self-determination.

This leads us to the question of what all this propaganda is for, and why all this ill-feeling against America is being created. There are several answers: The propaganda against the United States was started for the purpose of augmenting the martial spirit for their Prussian military machine, and ill-feeling caused by injured pride is the surest means of establishing this. After the World War economic questions played a large part, as American products began to force the inferior Japanese goods from the Far Eastern markets that Japan enjoyed alone during the war. Then, too, the United States took a prominent part in rescuing China from the hold Japan had gained on her during that same time, an act which military Japan has greatly resented. Then came the Immigration Act—an awful blow to their racial pride. The present condition is a culmination of all of these grievances, and the part the United States has played in the Manchurian affair. Japan does not openly court war with the United States. Far from it, though due to propaganda of the Army there are probably many who would welcome the conflict. On the other hand, Japan would probably not try to avert it if it were thrust upon her. The reasons are different; the military are in power; and they have discredited the usual political machinery of the country, and in order to retain their power they must inflame the patriotism of the people to almost a war pitch. They are confronted by serious questions at home. The depression is worse than ever; thousands have not sufficient food, and the finances of the country are in a deplorable condition. Abroad, there is the possibility of a war with Soviet Russia and China, separately or together, and a clash with the League over Manchuria. They must keep the country solidly behind them and divert their minds from domestic troubles. In the past anti-Americanism always served to influence the people to a war-like pitch; it would serve as well again. Once the military spirit of the people is aroused the authorities know they can divert it in any desired channel. Also, behind this belief is their own superiority and their “unconquered army”. The Japanese still respect things foreign as superior to their own, and in their hearts fear the United States. The authorities are bluffing strenuously in an effort to intimidate America and prove to the Japanese that there is nothing to fear from foreign nations, the United States in particular. The main motive, however, behind the propaganda at this time is an effort to influence the League of Nations in the Manchurian question and belittle America’s efforts towards its solution according to treaty. For the same reason Japan is attempting to placate England and France, especially the latter.

Sources: Official records, Office of the Military Attaché; vernacular press and magazines; and observations and conversations.

Thomas G. Cranford, Jr.

21. This report was given the approval of the Military Attaché in Japan on September 9, 1932.
22. Signed September 5, 1905, Foreign Relations, 1905, p. 824.
23. Cf. statement in memorandum of December 31, 1907, from the Japanese Foreign Office to the American Embassy, ibid., 1924, vol. ii, pp. 352, 353.
24. See Foreign Relations, 1910, pp. 234 ff.
25. See ibid., 1913, pp. 629 ff.
26. See ibid., 1920, vol. iii, pp. 1 ff.
27. See ibid., 1924, vol. ii, pp. 333 ff.
28. Approved May 26, 1924; 43 Stat. 153.
29. See telegram No. 7, January 7, 1932, noon, to the Ambassador In Japan, Foreign Relations, Japan, 1931–1941, vol. i, p. 76.
30. See telegram No. 207, August 10, 1932, 9 p.m., from the Ambassador in Japan, p. 198.
31. Delivered August 8, 1932; for text, see vol. i, p. 575.