894.00/375

The Ambassador in Japan (Forbes) to the Secretary of State

Dear Mr. Secretary: There is a great deal of undercurrent of things going on, that I don’t seem to be able to cable and yet feel I should report, that will make rather interesting but, I fear, rather unpleasant reading.

The day before yesterday at eleven thirty in the morning as Baron Dan stepped from his automobile in front of the Mitsui Building, a young man idling in the vicinity whipped out a pistol and shot him; and he died within an hour; the bullet, entering the right side, passed through his body and lodged in a rib somewhere near the heart. He pitched forward practically unconscious and did not regain consciousness. As I have written you before, he seemed like a very sick man; he was seventy-four years of age and was complaining that he was constantly losing weight and suffering from poor digestion. His assailant was a young man who came from the same vicinity as the young man who shot Inouye and he used the same kind of automatic pistol. Rumor has it that these pistols were obtained from some army or navy officers; it is of course claimed that they were stolen. They now talk of a death gang said to be composed of five young men who have entered into a pact to die, each killing one great figure. It is noteworthy that these are the great conservative leaders; rumor has it that the other three marked to go are: Baron Shidehara, Count Makino and Baron and former Prime Minister Wakatsuki. Baron Dan had received several threatening letters and had a personal guard with him who disarmed and overpowered on the spot the young man who did the shooting. An interesting side-light on the public attitude toward Baron Dan appeared in the paper to-day. It is said that the people in the little town from which the murderer hailed have compelled his family to move out of town; and the wife of his brother is applying for a divorce. The Emperor conferred posthumous honors upon the Baron. The papers are full of attacks upon the police for lack of activity, as existence of this death band had been known. They [Page 677] are charged with negligence in failing to run down the members of the band. I don’t doubt but that they are doubling their activities now.

The wildest rumors race about town about Baron Shidehara. Baron Bassompierre tells me that the servants of his household and those of the Swiss Legation are certain that the Baron is dead and that his death is being concealed from the public. Bishop Reifsnider told me yesterday that according to a rumor that has reached him Baron Shidehara was attacked by a high-up naval officer who had immediately proceeded to commit hara-kiri in the former’s presence. Doctor Teusler tells me this morning that he understands the Baron has had a hemorrhage of the brain but that he is recovering. The most commonly heard version is, however, that he has had a heart attack. In any case he is in hiding and nobody seems to know where he is. Fleisher adds that he is one hundred per cent, certain that Shidehara is alive and states that he is in the hospital. The paper, on the 7th, announced that he is at home, which probably is a ruse to put people off the track, but that he is still unable to receive visitors.

While I was dictating this letter Mr. Fleisher was announced and he informed me that while at his office a little while ago a group of six policemen arrived and informed him that a mob of Ronin (patriotic fanatics) were on their way to mob the Advertiser.2 He had immediately gone to the Foreign Office where by chance was Baron Harada, Private Secretary to Prince Saionji, who heard the story and was greatly disturbed. Mr. Fleisher saw Shiratori,3 who is the evil genius of the place that they don’t seem able to get rid of, who launched forth into a diatribe against all things American, declaring that Japan was the only nation that had any sanity, and that the United States had gone mad with anti-Japanese feeling. The Advertiser had printed some pictures from China, one of which was a picture of arms captured from the Japanese by the Chinese; this has given offence to the Japanese people. There is a little paper called the Nippon which is read by the violent element and the insurgents, and tends to inflame them; and it came out with a violent attack upon the Advertiser the morning of the 8th. Fleisher, after seeing Shiratori, came right around to see me, but I told him he was making a mistake: he should have gone to Yoshizawa because he is a man with enough vision to know the international disadvantage to Japan in any act of violence against the Advertiser. It is, of course, also true that in the present excitable state of mind of the populace, fanned by the newspapers emphasizing our protests and holding them forth [Page 678] as expressions of hostility to Japan, that there is actual personal danger to the homes and families of both the Fleishers, father and son; they are asking for police protection for their homes, which should be given. I am asking Mcllroy to represent to the army the disadvantages to them and to the cause of Japan of any attack on this very moderate paper, which has been steering a very difficult course between giving the news on the one hand and not offending Japan or violating the prohibitions contained in the government bans on the other.

I think it well to send along all these side-lights upon the extremes to which the war frenzy is leading the Japanese people, as evidence in support of the position I took in sending my recent telegrams urging great care in putting out further material tending to inflame public opinion here.4

Late on the night of the 12th the feeling was that possibly the police warning to the Advertiser was a hoax which they were trying to run down, and possibly intended as a warning to the paper so as to give them the idea of what might happen to them. I told Mr. Fleisher that if he had any reason to think he was in danger that he and Mrs. Fleisher could come and make a little visit at the Embassy. He sent word back that he did not anticipate any personal danger.

Doctor Nitobe made a speech a little while ago in which he said that one of the great menaces to Japan was military domination. He has received a number of threatening letters and has now taken up his abode in Saint Luke’s Hospital where the federal government has detailed a couple of policemen to guard him. A day or two ago he was compelled by five military officers to leave the hospital and appear before some military association, which demanded an apology from him for his remarks. He made some explanation. The fact of this performance was published in the Advertiser the following day but without comment. If Fleisher had commented sharply on it he might have been subjected to violence and possibly his paper wrecked. The morning of the 7th I called on Doctor Nitobe and had a talk with him. He said frankly that his life was in danger, that he had no doubt they were laying for him, and that he had been requested by what he expressed as “very high authority” to lay low and not expose himself in public and to wait for better times. Also that he had been assured that a change would take place either at the end of this year or the beginning of next, at which time his influence would be needed. What this means has to be left to conjecture. Whether it comes from the Throne, or near the Throne, the Imperial Household, Prince Saionji, or merely from the leaders of the Minseito Party is also a matter of [Page 679] conjecture. There are good reasons for not mentioning names because it is apt to put whoever makes them in actual personal danger as things are going to-day.

Prince Saionji has just moved to Tokyo; he is unapproached and unapproachable by foreigners. Baron Bassompierre, who has been here eleven years, has met him just once: he prefers to sit like a god on high Olympus and direct things in that way. He meets nobody except his trusted advisers.

The police are now (March 10) much more active. Yesterday, it is said, fifteen thousand of them were busy rounding up the criminal element and tracing every clue leading to the recent murders of great men.

They know now that the revolvers with which the crimes were committed were purchased by a naval officer, named Lieutenant [Commander?] Fujii, in Dairen; he was killed in an aerial battle in Shanghai, being one of the first men killed. Query: Was it not his own way of eliminating himself? He purchased eight revolvers.

Another member of the death band has come in and confessed and his talking is implicating others. The police have numerous suspects.

Baron Bassompierre has developed the habit of dropping in some time during the day at the Embassy and chatting quite freely. He gave me an interesting bit of gossip yesterday to the effect that Prince Saionji is moving actively in the matter of a national government and is encountering a good deal of opposition on the part of the Seiyukai and possibly the military clique. He has been conferring with Inukai, the Premier, and with Araki, the Minister of War, yesterday, and to-day has a session with Yoshizawa, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. According to Baron Bassompierre, this change will be towards curbing the military and the establishment of a more conservative policy, if it goes through. This would naturally be opposed by the army. And I imagine Prince Saionji is too astute to take any chance of trying to put anything across unless he is perfectly able to carry it through. It seems to me much more likely that the information I received from Doctor Nitobe is the more correct: that the change will come toward the end of the year or the beginning of next, rather than immediately. This would give time for the soldiers to get back from active operations in the field, reaction from the war frenzy to set in, and the resentment caused by the repeated representations from the ambassadors of foreign powers to have quieted down a little bit. I have indicated in my telegrams a number of times the position that Baron Dan took in regard to this. He said to me repeatedly that: “If your Government can only keep quiet for a little while, the conservative elements here will have a chance. We haven’t any while these measures are being taken, and which tend to inflame the public mind.” When I saw him last—two days before [Page 680] his death—he seemed very happy over the fact that it had apparently been given out from Washington that no more protests would be made. He took my hand in both of his and shook it enthusiastically and repeatedly. He said: “I think things are going to clear up now.” He was very active in going about attending luncheons, and dinners, and met the members of the League of Nations Commission at various functions.

Yesterday a very vigorous full-page advertisement came out with big headlines the whole way across the page to the effect that: “The United States Should Cooperate with Japan. Japan Treads the Path of Righteousness.” And under it: [“]A Change of Viewpoint by Americans is Ardent Hope of Japanese People.” The whole statement is in big type and in fourteen places emphasis is placed on phrases by putting them in heavier black type. It begins: “Japan will audaciously walk the path of what she thinks right, irrespective of what outside pressure should be brought upon her.” It goes on to criticize the foreign ministers and prime ministers for expressing views highly unworthy of this great empire. It is published as a statement by the Shiunso. The Japan Times is supposed to be subsidized by the army just now; and it is noteworthy that on two or three recent occasions they have omitted my name in mentioning functions that I attended. For example, the audience that the Emperor gave to Theodore Roosevelt and the luncheon that was given to the guests, whose names were all given, but mine,—which was, obviously, an intentional slight. Also, they have not mentioned my calling at the house and attending the funeral of Baron Dan. Although the Advertiser, which appears in the morning, gave prominence to these facts, the Japan Times, which comes out in the evening ignored them, evidently purposely. I merely mention these facts as straws indicating which way the wind is blowing in that vicinity.

Yesterday (March 10th), Mr. Fleisher, Sr., called again in the afternoon. He is in a very disturbed frame of mind. His paper is losing money; he has not had the support from Japanese sources that he had hoped for; and the bans prevent his publishing the news. He is not in sympathy with the policy of the Government and cannot support it: if he opposed it, his paper would forthwith be wrecked. He looks forward to extremely black times, so much so that if I took him seriously I should make a grave error in leaving at the present time and until just before Grew’s arrival. He thinks things are going from bad to worse. He is now convinced, in spite of all denials, that Baron Shidehara was the victim of a murderous attack but that they did not succeed in killing him.

A young man endeavored to get near Inukai, the Premier, and took poison when prevented.

[Page 681]

Fleisher also says there has been an attempt made on Wakatsuki, the former Premier.

On March 10th I had a meeting of the whole staff and outlined the course of events of the last few days since the last meeting and indicated the nature of the telegrams I had sent, and the attitude of the ministers and diplomatic corps to the effect that no more outside pressure should be brought to bear on Japan. It was the unanimous sense of those present that this was the correct policy to pursue. One of those present, a careful and competent observer, remarked that the continuation of the policy of sending vigorously phrased protests would lead straight to war.

Respectfully yours,

W. Cameron Forbes
  1. Japan Advertiser (American).
  2. Toshio Shiratori.
  3. See vol. iii, pp. 317, 330, 346, 364365, 370, 457458.