793.94 Commission/437: Telegram
The Secretary of State to the Ambassador in Great Britain (Mellon)
269. To the Ambassador and Norman Davis. Your 289, October 10, 6 p.m. I am gratified to have this information.
Please communicate to Simon orally my views as follows:
I have always felt that it is most important for the United States and Great Britain to stand together in dealing with the Far Eastern situation as a whole; and I feel that France should be included, and if possible Italy. I think that Great Britain has at stake as much as or even more than has the United States. That being the case, I feel that, as both Great Britain and the United States are signatories of the Nine-Power Treaty and the Pact of Paris; as Great Britain is also a member of the League; as the American Government has already repeatedly affirmed that, acting through the diplomatic channels and preserving its independence of judgment, it will endeavor to support as far as possible action taken by the League; and as the British Government, by reason of proximity and other facts, is in position readily to confer with the French, the Italian and other European Governments and with Lord Lytton and Sir Eric Drummond,—I feel that the British Government might advantageously lead in formulating a course of action.
I regard the Lytton report as a very comprehensive and judicial presentation of facts and a conveyor of valuable suggestions. I hope that it will prove an instrument of great value.
With regard to possible next steps, the case is of course before the League, the Lytton report is a document of evidence, the Covenant of the League contains both substantive and adjective provisions, and the rights, duties and prestige of the League are involved. The American Government’s basic attitude toward the whole matter has been made known so definitely in published statements and official documents that no one can reasonably misunderstand or doubt our position. Our first concern is that the authority of the great peace treaties to which we are parties shall not be successfully challenged. Toward that end, we are prepared as heretofore to cooperate with the other nations which have the same objective. I think it would be helpful if the British and the French Governments would work out, on the basis of careful study of the Lytton report, constructive suggestions with regard to future action. Such effort would, I am sure, facilitate action by the League. In case the British and French Governments care to consult the American Government with regard to such line of action as may seem most practicable to them, I shall of course be ready promptly and sympathetically to consider their ideas and indicate this [Page 301] Government’s reaction thereto. Meanwhile, they should clearly understand that this Government’s attitude, as expressed in its notes of January 7, 1932, and in my letter of February 23, 1932, to Senator Borah and my various public statements, remains unchanged. Moreover, it is my feeling that Japan’s recognition of “Manchoukuo” in no way alters the situation as regards the treaty rights, obligations and lawful interests of the other powers.