893.00/9346
The Minister in China ( MacMurray ) to the Secretary of State
[Received August 22.]
Sir: Adverting to the Department’s instruction No. 78 of October 9th, 1925,19 I have the honor to submit the following summary of events and conditions in China during June, 1927:
The month of June, which was characterized by intense political activity, witnessed, as the most outstanding development in that sphere, the assumption by Chang Tso-lin, on June 18th, of the office of Tayiianshuai, or virtual Dictator over North China.
From a military point of view a condition of relative stability prevailed, the most positive military operation of the month being a Nationalist thrust up the Tsin-Pu Railway, apparently constituting a preliminary operation on the part of Chiang Kai-shek to another advance northward which did not take place, on any important scale, during the period covered by this report. On June 24th it was reported that the Nationalist offensive had started up the railway and that Lincheng and Hanchuang had been captured. The Shantung forces counter-attacked on the 29th, however, and reported the recapture of Lincheng.
[Page 16]The political activity of the month took the form of a series of conferences among the leaders of the various factions from which it seemed at one time as if an understanding, participated in by a majority of the rival factions, might yet be arrived at. This, however, did not prove to be the case and, characteristically, no clear-cut or comprehensive adjustments were attained.
Rising suddenly to national prominence, in the roll of arbiter, Yen Hsi-shan made proposals during the first week in June for an anti-red entente between Chiang Kai-shek, himself, and the Ankuochun. It seemed that he had definitely declared himself in favor of the moderate or Nanking faction of the Kuomintang and had accepted the position of Commander-in-Chief of the People’s Northern Route Revolutionary Army, but without any manifestations of hostility against Chang Tso-lin. A complete rupture of the negotiations which had been in progress between Yen Hsi-shan’s and Feng Yu-hsiang’s emissaries was reported at that time together with the suppression of all communist activities at Taiyuanfu. Yen was also engaged in discussions with Chang Tso-lin to the end that the latter should accept the Sun Yat-sen “Sanmin” principles and withdraw peaceably to Manchuria, his place to be filled by Yen’s forces, which would act as a buffer between the Southerners and Northerners, thus permitting Peking to be used as a common meeting ground for the representatives of Chang Tso-lin, Chiang Kai-shek and Yen Hsi-shan when they endeavored to arrive at a compromise which would permit of a general parley.
Several factors seemed to indicate the possibility of a favorable outcome to the negotiations among the three leaders. There existed, for example, such common antipathies as Chiang Kai-shek’s desire to eliminate Borodin and Chang Tso-lin’s and Yen Hsi-shan’s anticommunism, and there was distrust of Feng Yu-hsiang on the part of all three. Furthermore, Chang Tso-lin’s finances were in a precarious condition and Chiang Kai-shek, with Hankow as an uncertain ally if not actual enemy, was at a great distance from his base.
The negotiations, however, would seem to have collapsed entirely, the chief obstacle in the path of a successful outcome apparently having been Chiang Kai-shek’s insistence on obtaining control over Shantung and Chihli, a concession that Chang Tso-lin was unwilling to make.
In the Nationalist camp, the figure of Feng Yu-hsiang loomed large during June but his attitude as usual was enigmatic. He attended and apparently dominated a conference among the members of the Wuhan party at Chengchow, begun on the 7th and ending on the 16th of June, at which no definite result appears to have been attained beyond a recognition of Feng’s claim to the control of Honan. Upon the conclusion of the Chengchow conference, Feng [Page 17] went to Hsuchow for a meeting with Chiang Kai-shek on or about June 20th. It was reported that the two leaders were in complete agreement and that Feng had wired the Wuhan Government demanding the dismissal of Borodin and the elimination of red influence. It was not felt, however, that Feng intended for that reason to proceed against Hankow with any force and it was observed that in spite of his manifest coldness to them the Wuhan radicals continued to court him assiduously.
Assumption by Chang Tso-lin of the Office of Generalissimo
With the purpose of assuming all of the responsibilities of the government, including the appointment of a cabinet directly responsible to himself alone, Chang Tso-lin created a virtual dictatorship over North China by his inauguration on June 18th as Tayüanshuai, or Generalissimo of the Army and Navy of the Republic of China. After months of indecision and procrastination he thus decided to abandon legal fictions and political pretences and, regardless of constitutional procedure, overtly to assume the title and exercise the authority of a military dictator. This action, which brought to an end the shadowy government of Premier Wellington Koo, was taken after a series of military conferences held in Peking during the first two weeks in June among his generals, and after the apparent collapse of the peace negotiations among Chiang Kai-shek, Yen Hsi-shan and Chang Tso-lin.
Following his assumption of office Marshal Chang Tso-lin issued a manifesto, dated June 18th, outlining the functions of the Military Government thus established, and providing substantially as follows:
- 1.
- The Generalissimo shall command the military and naval forces of the Chinese Republic.
- 2.
- During the existence of the military administration, the Generalissimo shall represent the Chinese Republic in carrying on governmental functions and shall protect all rights which should be enjoyed by the people of the nation under the law.
- 3.
- The Military Government shall establish cabinet officers to assist the Generalissimo in carrying out governmental affairs.
- 4.
- The number of the cabinet officers shall be as follows: Premier, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Minister for Military Affairs, Minister of the Interior, Minister of Finance, Minister of Justice, Minister of Industry, Minister of Education, Minister of Agriculture and Labor, Minister of Communications.
- 5.
- Mandates of the Generalissimo shall be countersigned by the Premier, and those which affect the affairs of any of the various Ministries shall also be countersigned by such ministers, provided, however, that mandates appointing or dismissing cabinet officers shall not come within this category.
- 6.
- The organization of the personnel of the cabinet and of the various Ministries shall be separately fixed.
- 7.
- Such laws and mandates, promulgated prior to June 17, 1927, as do not conflict with the present mandate may be adopted.
By another mandate of the same date P’an Fu was appointed Premier.
In a note addressed to me on June 22nd, Wang Yin-t’ai, as the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, announced Chang Tso-lin’s assumption of office and stated that the Marshal took the following oath of office:
“I, Tso-lin, having undeservedly obtained the office of Generalissimo of the Army and Navy of the Republic of China, do hereby solemnly swear that I will strengthen the Republic; that I will develop government by the people; that I will reform the internal administration; and that I will strive for harmony in international relations.”
The Legation made a brief third person acknowledgment on the 25th, in terms which carefully avoided any degree of recognition of the new government.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Conditions in Canton
Commenting, in a despatch to the Legation of May 4th, on the moderate Kuomintang regime in Canton, Mr. Jenkins had reported that the general situation in relation to foreigners had greatly improved there since the coup of April 15th (reference to which was made in the Legation’s monthly report covering that month). The public was more friendly and the local authorities were more active in their efforts to protect the interest of foreigners, as well as those of the native merchants and property-owning classes. At the same time the local administration was at pains to emphasize that there was to be no material change in the policy of the Kuomintang. According to public announcements, the fight against imperialism was to continue, the demands for cancellation of the “unequal treaties” were not to be abated, nor were the rights of organized labor to be neglected.
In a despatch dated June 7th, Mr. Jenkins reported that the political situation in his district continued quiet and practically unchanged since his above mentioned report of May 4th. He stated that martial law had nominally been abolished and that relatively good order was being maintained in the city. The general attitude of the people continued to be more friendly than previous to the anti-communist coup in April but anti-British propaganda flared up occasionally and there were evidences of an under current of dissatisfaction against the existing régime. There were also indications of renewed radical activity which was making itself felt either with the support of the government or in spite of its opposition.
Mr. Jenkins added that there had been a regrettable decline in official morale since the anti-communist coup, possibly due to the departure of so many leading officials for Nanking. More than likely, however, he said that it was due primarily to the withdrawal [Page 19] of Russian and communist leadership which had played such an important part in the administration of affairs in South China during the past two years.
According to reliable reports, the provincial treasury was practically empty and the officials in charge of the collection of taxes were meeting with much difficulty, not only in Canton, but throughout the province.
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I have [etc.]
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