814.00/587
The Minister in Guatemala (McMillin) to the Secretary of State
[Received December 15.]
Sir: On political conditions in Guatemala, I have the honor to make the following report:
For sometime there had been rumors that trouble against the Government was brewing but most people believed that as there [Page 183] was no real oppression or grievance to justify either a revolt or great dissatisfaction, these rumors would come to naught. From time to time for two weeks reports were set afloat that on a certain day something would happen but nothing did happen. Therefore the populace came to think that these were only wild and imaginary reports. But as reported by me, in my cable No. 47 of December 6th, 9 a.m. a real revolution set in at midnight and ended at five o’clock on the sixth, with a complete overthrow of the Government.
President Herrera was put out of office by the military leaders and was held then, as he is yet, a prisoner in his own house. Two of his cabinet officers, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Aguirre, and Escamilla were also incarcerated and are still held prisoners. At the time of my cable the news was that the other members of the cabinet were also imprisoned, but it turns out that they were either not incarcerated or have been released.
It was a revolution planned and executed by the Generals of the army and those who had formerly been generals. The intrigue with the army was so thorough that when the final hour came no part of it could be wielded by the President.
From the best information obtainable at this writing, it appears that after having gotten the army under control the Generals took such force as was necessary for their purpose and went a few minutes before midnight to the residence of President Herrera. A special guard of one hundred or so of the best soldiers known as “The Guard of Honor” have always been stationed at the President’s residence and at his office which are only a few doors apart. It seems that this so called “Guard of Honor” had also been won over beforehand and made no resistance whatever. The Generals entered for an audience with the President. Promptly at twelve o’clock signal guns were heard at the different forts, located in the city and its suburbs. At this sound the Generals informed the President that he was completely in their power:—That that was the signal for the starting of the revolution and resistance was useless. They told him the only way for him to prevent the shedding of the blood of his people was to order the different commanders of the forts to make no resistance, which he did. They demanded his resignation which he wrote out addressing it to the National Assembly or Legislative Body.
There are two versions of this part of the proceeding. One that his resignation was demanded, the other that it was tendered. The former is the contention of the President, which I think the true one; the latter the insistance of the Generals. The fact that the whole transaction was a proceeding of force, is incontrovertible.
The revolution was a military affair and began and ended in less than five hours so far as the execution of it was concerned.
[Page 184]There was very little blood shed, only about twenty-five being killed and these mainly members of the police force of the city who, alone, resisted the program of actors.
They proceeded to select a “Military Council” to take control temporarily of the administration of the affairs of the Government, composed of the following Generals—José Maria Orellana, Chief, Jose Maria Lima and Miguel Larrave. These have conducted affairs to the present. Of these, General Orellana is said to be the most able and distinguished. He is a man of good education and repute. The others are not remarkable for educational qualification or distinguished ability. All were at one time or another part of the regime of Ex-President Estrada Cabrera and the movement is regarded here not only as revolutionary but as reactionary rather than progressive.
The “Military Council” has called a meeting of Congress for tomorrow with a view of electing a Chief Executive in place of Carlos Herrera. They do not call a Session of the present Congress but are calling the Congress or members of the Congress that existed at the time of Estrada Cabrera’s downfall. As a foundation for this they deny the legality of the proceedings under which Carlos Herrera was elected President; deny therefore the regularity of the adoption of the new constitution, and deny the regularity and legality of Legislative proceedings since.
There is no information obtainable concerning the choice they will probably make for Chief Executive, nor as to whether they are making a Chief Magistrate of the State of Guatemala or President of the Republic of Guatemala.
I regard the whole transaction as very unfortunate for Guatemala. The people had a freedom of press and citizenship greater than they have had under any President for generations. So far as I can judge the masses of the people were content with this situation. There was complaint, it is true, against President Herrera for not being firm enough, and this was not without justification as recent events demonstrate; but it is also to be remembered that the new constitution left the President with very little power.
The city is quiet now and so far as I can hear the country was undisturbed before and is yet. It was a revolution begun and successfully concluded in the city of Guatemala. But from the pacific nature and unarmed condition of the people, there does not seem to be probability of strong resistance to the military Chieftains, who, having all the arms and army have with them absolute power.
I have [etc.]