Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Volume XII

Paris Peace Conf. 184.01502/20

The Chief of the Mission to the Baltic Provinces (Greene) to the Secretary General of the Commission to Negotiate Peace (Grew)

Libau, May 3, 1919.

Subject: Report on Esthonia number 1.

1. There is attached hereto the first report of this Mission on Esthonia. This report has been prepared by Lieutenant Commander John A. Gade, U.S.N. whom I sent to Finland and Esthonia in charge of part of our mission. I have been over this report very carefully with Commander Gade, and consider it to be very comprehensive, and well worked out. I am forwarding it as our official report, and take all responsibility for the statements and recommendations contained therein.

Warwick Greene

[Enclosure—Extracts]

Question Al—Do you recommend that Esthonia (a) be recognized?

Recognition would for the present be an unwise step. Esthonia’s case is entirely different from Finland’s. Finland has a well organized, capable Government, used to manage its own affairs, plenty of trained and experienced forces to draw from, a strong leader, national consciousness, in fact, has a people thoroughly capable of taking its place among the Nations of the World. The reverse may in many respects be said to be the truth of Esthonia. The Nation has had little or no experience in self government, and there is little to base one’s belief upon that it will succeed. The men framing the Constitution and forming the National Council have had little training and many of them are lacking in education. The educated classes belong unfortunately principally to the German element, now all but excluded from Legislation. The Paets Ministry has unquestionably succeeded not alone in holding the Country together but, by the assistance of Finnish, Russian and Scandinavian troops, of practically cleaning the Country of Bolsheviks. It has leaned upon a coalition of burger and rather conservative elements. The new elections have gone against it. Steadily increasing radical tendencies are evident. The Social-Democrats have unexpectedly elected the largest number of representatives and everything indicates that they do not intend to govern with the strong policy of the Paets Ministry, but rather to pursue methods and pass legislation of a most radical character.

The recognition of Esthonia as an independent country, separated from Russia, complicates naturally the Russian situation considerably, in spite of any commercial or economic agreements which may be entered into by an Esthonian Republic. Russia can not exist without some Baltic Ports, ice-free ones included among them. With Finland gone, the recognition of Esthonian independence becomes doubly perilous from the point of view of future Russian peace.

It is further very doubtful whether Esthonia has within her borders sufficient resources or possibilities to enable her to finance her government. Some of her own bankers say not. For some years to come it seems out of the question. Agriculture and such industries to which she principally looks for her national income will for some time be so disorganized that the profits to be derived will be considerably below the normal. Abuses of long standing will still be felt. The great landowners who now are the capitalists and whose capital does not merely lie in the land, but in their other and various resources, will all disappear as national assets as soon as they are deprived of their land. The large estates proving less remunerative, the country will lack its present ability for payment. On the other hand the flax resources are valuable, as also the timber lands, sufficient for decades of export, and the Russian Government is said to have derived some 40–50 millions of roubles of yearly income from Esthonia. Mineral resources are valuable, and new finds are still being made.

The country is unquestionably worthy of assistance in various forms. It has fought its own hard fight against Bolshevism with courage and persistency. It feels it has fought it for the rest of the World as for itself. It can not and will not continue unless the Allies help with money, food, and war materials. It has earned the right to manage its own affairs. It is hindering Bolshevism from spreading through its harbors to Scandinavia. Unless help comes at once it will come too late. The people and army should officially be informed of such assistance as will be rendered, in order to allay and counteract any growth of disaffection at the Front. The Government, as well as the people, should clearly understand under what conditions and for what purposes help is rendered, as well as also that any recognition of Esthonian independence is impossible until Russia is peaceful and the problem considered jointly.

It is very evident that the Government has as yet but very imperfect control of forces active and powerful below the surface. The wildest and most communistic promises were made during the recent electioneering in order to gain Socialist and Social-Revolutionary votes, and the inability to keep them may result in considerable political shipwreck. Not only was all the free land promised to all who voted the Socialist ticket, but the voters were assured they could select the land anywhere they wished.

The problem of Esthonian independence would be more facile if the Country could gain in size and resources by making common cause with its southern neighbors, Latvia and Lithuania. The railroad system, as also a number of other government undertakings, were planned and carried out by the Russian Empire as common and unified systems for the entire Baltic provincial district (Finland excepted). Owing to racial hatred, any intimate future political union between Esthonia, Latvia, and Lithuania is unthinkable.

Esthonia has always been under foreign dominion. Dane, German, Swede, Pole and Russian have each in turn ruled the country. The people have never dreamt of self-rule, the Baltic Baron element alone doing about as it liked. As a result, the intoxicating effect of the new found independence may lead to abuse and intemperance in government.

The demand for independence is now universal, while a protectorate by the League of Nations would be very acceptable. Fear of what has taken place in Russia makes the Esthonians turn from any Russian federation, while a German protectorate is unthinkable.

The Baltic Barons propose a new government based upon the Baltic States temporarily being protected by the League of Nations, and when order is reestablished in Russia, becoming a member of a new Russian Federation. Greater Russia’s diplomatic representatives should also represent the Baltic States, but the latter should have their own foreign commercial and financial agents. They should have their own diet which will decide their form of government. The Baltic States should be represented in the Russian Capital by a Legation. There should likewise be a Russian Minister accredited to the Baltic States, with the right to veto any law infringing the Constitution of the Baltic States. They should have complete autonomy as to domestic administration, their own economic system and coinage. All present public Russian property in the Baltic States, such as railroads, public buildings, etc., should be turned over without remuneration to the Government of the Baltic States. The Baltic States would in turn pay a proportion, to be agreed upon, of the Russian public debt, contracted prior to the Bolshevik revolution, as well as its portion of foreign diplomatic representation. The Baltic States should receive damages for all they have suffered from Russian troops and Bolshevik invasions during the years 1918–19. The Baltic States should have complete financial and economic autonomy. In case of war the Baltic States and the Gulf of Riga should be considered as neutral territory.

Esthonia should not be recognized until some guarantee be given that the owners of the large estates be permitted to retain their homes with some parcel of ground however small, as [and?] also receive compensation for such land as is appropriated.

Do you recommend that Esthonia (b) be given food without payment?

Esthonia seems worthy of receiving food without payment. It is even more true of Esthonia than of Germany, that the best way to stop the spread of Bolshevism is to provide the people with food. Lack of food and lack of land on which to produce it, are mainly responsible for the recent disorders, and only to a very slight extent infection from the East. Unless the soldiers are guaranteed food, from a source believed responsible, then they must leave the fighting lines and return for the spring farming.

The four uninterrupted months of constant fighting against the Bolsheviks, broken scarcely by any leave, have naturally undermined the power of resistance of the Army, especially when rations have been insufficient and of scarcely any variety. Added to this the Esthonians have, during the four years of war, not only been obliged to feed 100,000 men in the field, out of a total population of 1,200,000, but have been forced to give up large quantities of the stores needed at home, including much flour and meat. The requisitioning of Bolsheviks and Germans have made bad, worse, and all in spite of the vigorous protests of the helpless population.

Esthonia can, owing to her financial condition, only purchase the minimum amount of food to keep her from starvation. If she receives a little more, owing to her being given it without payment, and such food be stipulated for, and controlled so as to go to the soldiers, this would unquestionably improve their physical and mental condition and resulting fighting qualities. Careful inquiry shows that most of the soldiers are suffering from malnutrition, owing to insufficiency as well as sameness of food stuffs. Hundreds of Bolsheviks offer to come across the lines and join the Esthonian and Allied Russian soldiers if they only be given regular meals. Most of them have to be refused owing to the fact that the Esthonians have not sufficient for their own men, leave alone hungry, willing deserters. The free distribution of food among the Esthonian Army might thus considerably weaken the Bolshevik resistance and morale.

Esthonia has never been able to feed herself, but has been dependent upon Russia, Germany and other countries. During the past year she has been unable to import any food stuffs whatever, added to which the Germans confiscated the harvest of 1918, the Army of Occupation either consuming it or sending it to Germany. The following Bolshevik occupation devastated the country and made impossible the retilling of the ground.

Government requisitions have finally exhausted any remaining or hidden stores, and the prolonged war against Bolshevism has ruined all foreign credit.

The conditions among the poorer classes in outlying districts, as in Narva and Hungerburg, are appalling. The malnutrition among the children exceeds that of Belgium in its dark hours. The writer speaks in both cases from personal observations and inquiries.

Physically and politically the country is temporarily in crying need of food, while it at the same time, with the best of intentions, is utterly unable to pay.

Do you recommend that Esthonia (c) be relieved by removal of blockade?

Such recommendation was forwarded, after consultation, by the Chargé d’Affaires of the American Legation at Stockholm, and the blockade was lifted about April 2nd. Owing to lack of coal and tonnage the first beneficial effects are as yet unnoticeable.

Question A2—What means if any has the Esthonian Government of paying for food?

The Esthonian Government has no money with which to pay and nothing to offer outside her natural resources. …

. . . . . . .

Question A4—Can the Esthonian Government carry on defensive warfare against the Russian Bolsheviks if supported financially and materially, but not with troops?

The Commander-in-Chief, as well as others equally well informed are all of the opinion that the Esthonian Government can unquestionably carry on defensive warfare against the Russian Bolsheviks, and hinder them from crossing the Esthonian Borders, if supported financially and materially, but not with troops. Much depends if the help is sent immediately and in the proper sequence. It is equally badly needed for political propaganda, for actual war requirements, and for the sake of the morale of the troops. The Esthonian troops stand now practically along the old Eastern territorial boundary and southern ethnographical frontier. Slight advances will have to be made in places in order to gain the most tenable military strategic lines, which do not naturally always correspond with the true frontiers. Future advances will be mainly undertaken along the Southern Frontier, in conjunction with the Letts, in order to force the Bolsheviks out of Northern Latvia.

A detachment of troops has recently deserted from the Esthonian Army and gone over to the Bolsheviks. Another has been suspected of disaffection and been moved. The Ministry is fearful of the situation and consequently is more and more willing to think of peace. Strong and immediate Allied support can alone save the situation. Without some assurance, peace will be declared. The Esthonian Government has been officially informed by the Hungarian Government (April 28th) that it is willing at once to act as intermediary in negotiating peace between the Soviet and Esthonian Government. Such offer must be accepted by the Esthonians unless the Allies act quickly, form a policy, and inform the Esthonian Government of same.

Question A5—Tour opinion regarding the capacity and representative character of the Esthonian Government.

The delegates to the new Constituent Assembly represent the voice of the people. Many of them are peasants and have had little experience, others have taken part in county and communal governments ever since Kerensky’s time. When a Cabinet crisis was imminent, during the last National Council, all parties finally united in a vote of confidence so as not to jeopardize the success of the Anti-Bolshevik war. The effect upon the Allies, of stability of government, was also a deterrent.

The large new Socialist vote was due to a certain extent, to present difficulties, and also to the natural reaction after the present conservative house. The Army voting more than one third Socialist may have an unfavorable effect upon future legislation.

The Constituent Assembly met on April 23. The mode of procedure and candidates all having been agreed upon previously. Rei (Socialist) was elected President by a second vote of 100 to 14. His reputation is not of the best. He was previously a member of the Paets Ministry but was forced to resign owing to Finland’s remonstrance when Rei characterized the Finnish troops who were assisting the Whites in driving out the Bolsheviks as “Bloodhounds.” He is a young man, who having failed as a lawyer, became a journalist on the Socialists’ Organ, the Sozialdemokrat, and later became a member of the extreme left wing of the Socialist group in the ‘National Assembly.

In his opening speech Rei emphasized the necessity of immediate legislation for the purpose of giving the Country a Constitution, bringing about the nationalization of land, breaking up all the large estates, and granting amnesty to all except those guilty of treason. He made no direct proposal as to conclusion of peace with the Bolsheviks but emphasized the desirability of such being effected. This may have been brought about by Finland’s having brought pressure to bear by stating that Finland would be closed to Esthonia should the Esthonian Government declare peace, or immediately commence with all nationalization of land. Ollesh (Labor Party) was elected 1st Vice-President, and Birk (Peoples’ Party) was elected 2nd Vice-President. A halfhearted vote of confidence was given to the present Ministry, which will continue in office¹⁹ until a provisional Constitution has been passed and the main issues of contention such as the agrarian question, amnesty, etc., have been decided in draft form. Such business having been attended to it is proposed that the Assembly dissolve and work upon the new permanent constitution will be commenced by various committees. Their work completed, the Constituent Assembly will again be convoked for the purpose of passing a permanent constitution, as well as laws regarding the Agrarian and other vital questions. This done, the Constituent Assembly will permanently dissolve and new elections take place.

The leaders of the Labor, Peoples’, Agrarian and Christian Workmen’s Parties (68 votes)²⁰ are endeavoring to form a block and put through a Coalition Ministry. Without some understanding with the Socialists as to such main issues as the land question, the block will fail, and as an alternative, the Socialists may succeed in forming a more radical Ministry with the Labor Party (71 votes).²⁰

As soon as the Constituent Assembly has finished its work it will disband and a new election will be held on the basis of the new constitution.

The greatest danger is that the new Ministry, if formed out of Socialists, may insist upon too radical measures, and attempt to accomplish everything at once, as well as permit itself to be swayed by the communistic demands of an important body of soldiers and peasants demanding nationalization of almost all resources and institutions. Such a Ministry would likewise show dangerous laxity in putting down revolutionary tendencies. Nothing but a firm policy can hold the Country together during the next three months.

The recent elections were honestly conducted and the voting was satisfactorily watched and controlled. The large Socialist vote was due to several causes, principally to the well organized and efficient electioneering of the Socialists and the partial apathy on the part of the more conservative groups, who seemed to have been utterly unsuspecting of the results. They believed the Paets Ministry would upon its record unquestionably be supported. Universal suffrage having been introduced, the Socialist men not only themselves were in full forces but were careful also to see that every woman was brought to the polls, while the farmers and more conservative groups were represented by very few female voters.

The best educated men, forming the “right” parties, were the first to be drafted, and their women folk left behind, did not cast their first vote, partly owing to the absence and encouragement of their husbands. Many of the more conservative elements further voted with the left wing, owing to their dissatisfaction with the half-heartedness of the present Ministry, arguing faultily that a change could not bring about worse conditions. Much Socialistic propaganda proved valuable and at the polls themselves the ignorant peasants were in larger numbers brought and induced to vote the Socialist ticket by persuasion of the Socialist agents. The peasants were informed that only by voting the Socialist ticket would they receive all the land they wanted, while the present Ministry of Lands would only give it to them very grudgingly. About 65 percent of the total vote (including voters who have fled from country) was cast.

. . . . . . .

Question B2—Political conditions in general.

Long suffering and years of suppression have led the Esthonians to believe they are surrounded by enemies. They hate Germany, first because of their taskmasters’ German relations and sympathies. They hate the Letts out of racial differences. They fear Bolshevism from experience, and they now mistrust any Russian coalition or dependency whatever, partly owing to the policy Imperial Russia followed during the last decades, and partly because of the uncertainty as to future Russian social conditions, and the behavior of the Russian troops in 1917.

The Government now going out, and with it the Landtag or Mapaa, which started governing after the retreat of the Germans in 1918, and which was not elected on the basis of universal suffrage, has on the whole done remarkably well. The newly elected Constitutional Assembly is far more radical, and the political future can not be viewed with optimism.

Paets, the head of the Ministry, who remains in office until about May first, has enjoyed the confidence of all parties. Despite his lack of certain moral strength, he is probably the best and strongest man to head the Government. His departure from office will be a calamity. His Ministry has from time to time had to give way to revolutionary pressure, partly because Allied assistance, both financial and material, could never definitely be reckoned upon, and the Ministry had no reply to the assertion of the Socialists and more radical elements “that the nation’s power of resistance when standing alone was limited.” The Socialist element counted further upon the support of partisans in France and England, and by virtue of such support being able to overrule any opposition that might urge the danger of alienating Allied Sympathy by too Socialistic legislation.

The political situation has at present become critical. Disaffection in the Army as well as the financial and agricultural conditions require either ultra-Socialistic legislation, including peace negotiations with the Bolsheviks, or Allied political, financial and military interference.

Paets is willing to form a new Government if backed up by the Allies. He has sent one of his Ministers to “inform the writer of this, and believes that such backing will be sufficiently strong to meet all opposition and to obtain a majority in the National Assembly.” He counts even upon considerable Socialist backing, believing many of the Socialist representatives are swayed by the Bolshevik contingent among their ranks.

Paets suggests for the time being an Allied Governor General, preferably American (owing to American disinterestedness) with powers somewhat similar to the British Governor General of Egypt. He should be supported by some 5,000 Allied troops, or a couple of men-of-war.²¹ Should such a direct and visible supervision and control prove impossible, a diplomatic representative of the Allies is suggested, and one who is clearly understood to have full powers to act and insist.²²

Up to the time being, the Socialists have been willing to vote the Army budgets and the army has as a consequence backed up the Ministry. But the parting of the ways has been reached. General Leidoner, the Commander-in-Chief, has informed Mr. Paets that he will shortly be forced to hand in his resignation, in case the Ministry does not support him and his military measures.

In the meanwhile, the Government’s authority is weakening throughout the Country. Local commissioners and communes are more and more frequently disobeying orders and acting upon their own initiative.

Prime Minister Paets states that without Allied support he will retire about May 1st, being unwilling any longer to be the scapegoat of the Socialists, receive all criticism, have no authority and no help.

The problem of Esthonia’s future and Esthonian politics taken as a whole has three interested parties—Esthonia, Russia and Europe and America.²³ Such Esthonians as possess any political foresight realize the hopelessness of settling Esthonia’s fate except simultaneously with that of Russia. They realize that the Baltic Provinces do not in themselves form as difficult a problem as Poland or Ireland, but also that any Baltic settlement taken regardless of future Russia, may cause as great, if not a greater stumbling block to the future peace of the World, as a false step in regard to Poland.

Russia’s aim has for centuries been to obtain a firm footing in the Baltic. This aim may be said to lie deep down in the very nation’s political sub-consciousness, as a requisite for successful national existence. In the present world wide reconstruction of national boundaries, this constant policy and historical striving of centuries can not be ignored. From their geographical position the Baltic Provinces should most naturally lean towards Russia. Their peoples are not antagonistic to Russia itself, but were so to the despotism of Russian Imperialistic Rule. Russia’s fundamental vice was her system of centralized government over widely differing and widely spread peoples. This can never return. Esthonia and Latvia must practically manage their own affairs and in all vital matters be autonomous.²⁴ If they felt absolutely certain that this would prove the case, the more reasonable and sane elements would probably see the economic and political necessity of some form of union with a new, healthy Russian State. In Esthonia, Russia sinned previously in fanning the flame of hatred between the German Baits and the Esthonian people itself. This hatred might in turn better be overcome by future Russian suzerainty, than by an attempt to overcome it left to their own devices. Russia’s further sin in Esthonia was the absolute lack of system in governing. By a practically independent Esthonian Government, a recurrence of this on the part of Russia at least, falls away. Directly interested parties are at the helm.

Some of the calmer heads among Esthonian politicians realize that the question of the self-determination of nations can not always be practically applied and that the economic requirements necessary for a nation to exist may outbalance nationalistic arguments. They feel that from a point of view of political philosophy the little state can not exist as yet, at least not until it has had a trial at demonstrating that it can economically stand alone. They further realize it will always be economically dependent upon its neighbors, that the money for its development has come from Russia, and that its requisites will in the future, as in the past, also very largely come from the same direction. They feel that the economic arguments and resources as presented by the Esthonian Government of today are unsound.

All Esthonian political parties have practically the same point of view in regard to the Russian situation. None of them desires any alliance with Russia. Russia with her system of oppression, desire for Russification and centralization of power has definitely lost all the sympathies of the Esthonian people. Bolshevik rule and method of procedure has only increased Esthonian antipathy. Until recently there have been parties, such as the Esthonian Social-Democratic and Labor-Party, which had no objection to a union with Russia. But now even these are for a definite breach. Only the Social-Revolutionary Party desires a reunion. This party, constructed along the lines of the corresponding Russian Revolutionary Socialists, is gradually disappearing.

The influential parties wish to create an independent Esthonian State and to establish the political organization, on democratic basis. At the present time Switzerland with her organization of central power and the right of referendum, has been considered as a model. Just how much of such a political organization could successfully be applied in Esthonia is questioned by many, as the Swiss system centralizes its power in Bundesversammlung (Assemblée fedérate) and is not counterbalanced by another equivalent institution, and the right of referendum does not counterbalance the Bundesversammlung. It is feared, that during the transitional period, when the political opinion of the people is strongly influenced by internal and external conditions, such a government would not be sufficiently flexible to conform to the practical demands of the moment.

The majority of the Constituent Assembly, the Social-Democrats, Revolutionary Socialists, and Labor Party are for the moment radical. Prior to the elections the following promises were given by them: The Social Democrats promised to appropriate all the estates without any recompense to the owners and to turn them over to the farmers having no land; the Labor Party, to confiscate all landed property and to apportion it to the landless on terms of perpetual rights; the Revolutionary Socialists promised confiscation of property and division on terms of Bolshevistic communism. The people are now waiting for these promises to be fulfilled. The promises are categorical and do not permit of compromise with the Conservative Party. It is probable that the radical majority of the Constituent Assembly, together with the Government chosen from them, will shortly put through legislation bringing about the promised reforms.

The sudden and radical change in agricultural conditions and the division of the estates into small farms will undoubtedly at first decrease the annual production. While Esthonia is compelled to purchase grain from abroad during the present year, it will be necessary to buy in greater quantities the following year.

The radical agrarian reforms require without doubt, a large appropriation from the treasury, of about one hundred million marks for the first year.

Esthonia can not be financed during the next year without assistance from abroad. Waging of war, the great internal reforms, the support of the non-employed, purchasing food for the next two years, repair of railroads, purchase of rolling stock and engines, liquidation of the war, all call for large sums of money in addition to which the country is in urgent need of the following requirements usually imported from outside: agricultural implements, manure, cloth, dye-stuffs, coal, petroleum, cotton, sugar and other goods.

All this the radical parties promise to accomplish in a satisfactory manner during a short time. Up to the present no scheme has been offered showing how the money is to be procured. The proposed taxes can only cover a small part of the expenses involved. There are practically no exports to be depended upon. The question of possible future transit trade with a regenerated Russia is entirely enigmatical. The only possible way of realizing the proposed reforms, is a foreign loan. The amount of the loan must depend upon the time in which these radical reforms are to be realized as well as their scope.

The most pressing question is the prolongation of the war or an immediate possible peace. Many people voted for the radical parties because they were promised peace as soon as the Constituent Assembly met. The radical majority is now in power and proposals from the Russian bolshevists have been made through the present Hungarian Government.

The people are tired of war and see no end to it. They see, however, no prospects of allied intervention. They understand that peace could be made at once, but question whether it would be lasting, and whether the Bolsheviks would not use this means to stir up the country by agitation and propaganda in order to accomplish their object of making Esthonia a part of the Soviet Republic.

All these questions will be shortly decided by the Constituent Assembly. Their decision will depend upon the attitude of the Allies. If it is left to the Esthonian people alone there is no doubt but that the radical majority will accept the proposed peace with the Bolsheviks.

If the country is left without material and moral support from the outside, left to carry on the war with her own resources, to rear her own political structure and to attempt her social reforms, it is feared that instead of real reform the country will merely pass a large number of decrees the realization of which will be impossible, the peace which is concluded will turn into a civil war and the end will be a Bolshevik or semi-Bolshevik structure instead of democratic government. If the Allied Powers now, in the last hour, give their moral and material support, there can probably be formed a strong Ministry, capable of carrying through the desired reforms and establishing a stable democratic government.

The Esthonian political parties are still young, and have had no experience under Russian regime. Added to the sin of youth is also intolerance and a belief by each one in the infallibility of the party. Parties have sprung up rather as a result of accident than mature differences in political conviction. A consolidation of certain parties will probably take place, even during the life of the First National Assembly. The radical parties will probably form a single Social-Democratic Group. The Labor Party, which considers itself socialistic, will form the center of the Constituent Assembly and gradually affiliate itself with the conservative wing. The right wing will form a moderate liberal party, which will retain two wings, one with more radical inclinations than the other. It is still impossible to say where will be the center of gravity. If the Esthonian State is left without support from the outside, party demands will become more and more radical.

The German element (Balts) is decidedly conservative. Up to the present time the government has been entirely in its hands, despite its small numbers. Such part as the German Baits may play in the future depends upon their willingness to submit to the necessary reforms, and upon their willingness to facilitate them. Distrust and the spirit of enmity will not disappear at once, but should gradually die out if the Baits abandon their efforts to recover their former position of authority and are able to read the signs of the times. The relations between the Esthonian people and the German Bait element were better during the early years of the war than at present. The Baits have themselves caused this estrangement by their policy during the occupation of the German Army.

The German occupation was welcomed by the landowners of German origin. It helped them recover their property confiscated by the Russian Bolsheviks. The German element was not satisfied to recover its property, but grasped the opportunity during the time of occupation to annex the Baltic Provinces of the Imperial German Empire. With the aid of the German occupying authorities the German landowners liquidated all institutions created by the Esthonian people during the time of the revolution, forbade the use of the Esthonian language in the administration of the country, in schools, in courts, etc. The educated Esthonian classes were compelled to suffer much injustice, and were accused of having been bought by English money. Instead of giving the land to the Esthonians the German authorities proposed colonizing the country with some hundred thousand Germans and many educated Germans actually immigrated. All their pan-Germanic aspirations found a welcome reception from the German Baltic Barons. It seemed as if Esthonia would ultimately become a German Confederated State.

The disappearance of mutual prejudices and the creation of new relations can not be effected in a year. The new generation of German Baits must receive an entirely different education, and disabuse themselves of their old political privileges.

. . . . . . .

Question B5—Is Bolshevistic propaganda being circulated? Is it having any effect?

The freedom from Bolshevism is partly due to the fact that such a large portion of the population consists of small landowners. Added to this, the people are temperamentally careful and sceptical, and not prone to accept new ideas, similar to those spread by the Bolsheviks, and finally, many of the original Bolsheviks fled to Russia during the German occupation.

Unquestionably a useful lesson was learned by all from the happenings of the recent Bolshevik regime, nevertheless it seems rather difficult to draw the lines between much that is happening and actual Bolshevik procedure. Thus, despite the fact that the laws as to confiscation of property have not as yet been passed by the Legislature, over fifty of the large properties have already been “taken over” by the Ministry of Agriculture, the old and experienced managers summarily dismissed, and supplanted by Government agents. The Kultusministerium has served notice that wherever it deems it wise, owing to the uncertainty of law and order being upheld, it will take charge of works of art. Private houses are being entered and family portraits, as well as other works of art are being removed, despite the remonstrances of their owners. Horses worth 4000 marks are taken by Government order from the estates that still have any left, and in return is given a Government promissory note for 300 marks. In many instances the peasants are now taking matters into their own hands, driving away the old owners and managers of the estates, and entering into possession, feeling the leaders are too long at making good their promises. If the present Government could remain in power, the future would probably be lighter. They have repeatedly had to suppress with a firm hand, dangerous disorders. With the more radical elements in power, the question becomes more dubious.

The Social-Revolutionary Party, which did not exist at the previous elections, procured 26,536 votes at the last one, and will be represented by seven members in the National Council. There is no difference between them and the Bolsheviks. In the Capital, Reval, there are at present some 350 Bolsheviks. There are few in other cities. Their sympathizers are, however, many, and their number has considerably increased during the last two months, especially in the factories. If one takes the managers of factories aside and gets at the truth, they all reply the workmen and mechanics are getting out of hand. This is especially the case in the large car works and Naval Yard of Reval.

The present Government is doing much to check the spread. Propaganda is strictly forbidden and very little of it penetrates, especially through the Northern Front. Such as has come through, as well as agents themselves, have come by the Verro-Haynash, or Southwestern Sector. During the elections certain laxity was shown, but ever since the authorities have done their best, and the Government Intelligence Service has by degrees become more efficient. Bolshevik nests have been smoked out, organizations broken up, and meetings forbidden. The work which now is going on must thus be done with care and circumspection. The poorest among the population, and especially those residing where Bolshevik occupation lasted longest, will have nothing to do with it. Those that are most easily converted live where the Bolsheviks practically never passed, and as a consequence have no bitter experiences as a counterweight to their golden promises.

The spirit of the troops is Anti-Bolshevik, but they are nationally [naturally?] tired of fighting, fear starvation unless they return for the requisite spring farming, and see little change ahead in the present military conditions. It is not improbable that the coming ministry may, during the spring, propose the conclusion of peace with the Bolsheviks. Pressure is being brought to bear from various influential quarters to bring this about.

Though the Bolsheviks are mainly to be found among the factory workmen, the movement among them is still carried on secretly, while in the country districts, the peasants, impatient to get the land into their own hands, repeatedly commence operations by murdering the proprietor or his steward.

Considerable work is being done underhand in order to wean away members of the Socialist party to more radical ideas. The two principal Bolsheviks now at large in Esthonia are Kingisep, supposed to be at large in Reval, and Anwelt, who originally organized the late Bolshevik revolt against the Government. In the Army, Bolshevik propaganda is spread principally by the Esthonians fighting in the opposite ranks.

The Sozialdemohrat of April 17, 1919, stated:

“Bolshevism will disappear if the Constituent Assembly passes the land reform bill. The red-guards (Esthonians fighting with the Bolsheviks) will then be anxious to return so as to participate in the allotment. They will be ready to lay down their arms if promised amnesty. At least three-quarters of them should receive it. They must naturally be influenced by energetic propaganda. A great number of the Esthonian Bolsheviks could without doubt return without harming in the least Esthonia …²⁵

“The war would thus be over. The desertion of the Esthonian Bolsheviks would induce the Russians fighting upon our Fronts to disband …²⁵ A discussion of peace terms would ensue.”

Four million roubles have been put aside by the Bolsheviks for the purpose of propaganda and bribery among the Esthonian troops. Large amounts of the money are coming across the southern frontier and seriously corrupting the penniless Esthonian troops, heartily tired of fighting. Unfortunately Russian roubles may still be used as currency, so the Bolshevik counterfeit Czar and Douma roubles are as good in Esthonia as the Country’s own paper currency.

. . . . . . .

Question B7—What proportion of the Bait or German element is still left in Esthonia? What is their attitude toward the Esthonian Government?

The Baltic Barons

With very few exceptions, they are completely pro-German in their feelings. They speak German, they think German, and they hope German. They are strangers to their own country. Together with the best educated among the middle classes, the smaller landowners, doctors, lawyers, clergymen, school teachers, and a certain number of the most successful business men, they form a separate caste, in general intellectually superior to the rest of the population, and in consequence looking down upon it.

German sympathies are kept alive by close German business connections, by the professional men receiving their higher education at German institutions, and the young ladies being sent to German “pensions” for their final education. A smaller group of the younger generation, who have received their military education in Russian officers’ schools, are pro-Russian.

They are in turn thoroughly despised and their long tenure of land, fortunes, and privileges is at an end. They are now to pay for the centuries in which they have ground down the peasants. Their position is very similar to that of the nobility in France, after the full meaning of the revolution had broken upon them. They are to be deprived of all, if the present revolutionary tendencies continue. German Imperialism is a broken reed on which they realize they can no longer lean, so they try to hide their former attachment to it. The nobles themselves number about 600. Of these some 450 still remain, and most of their young men are fighting in their special battalion. They feel such strangers to the people among whom some of them have lived for 500 years, that they quickly resent being called Esthonians, stating, “we are Russians,” to an Allied sympathizer, to a German, “we are German Baits,”—never, “we are Esthonians.”

They are as conservative and reactionary as the Russian Grand Dukes, some of them still cherishing the delusion that by some miracle or possibly disagreement among the various Socialistic factions, they may still from the “Dom” citadel above Reval rule the country in medieval manner. They believe the present government utterly unable to govern and smile at its naive hallucinations in this respect. Many of them state that their estates were burned and pillaged by the Esthonians themselves when they were chasing the Bolsheviks out of the Country.

The Baltic Barons’ deadly sin, which can not be forgiven, was the treacherous manner in which, after Bolshevism came into power in Russia, they sold their country to the German invader and welcomed him when he came. Welcomed the enemy whom the Esthonians had been fighting for four years.

A certain amount of the landowners’ money is for safety’s sake being forwarded to Germany. The German Barons and wealthy landowners pay in their savings to the Brennereiverein Bank (a development of the institution which finances their alcohol factories) which forwards the money to Germany in the form of ost roubles, which are purchased and which are taken for deposit by the Posen Ostbank. The depositors can not draw against deposits until three months after deposits have been made. It is becoming increasingly difficult to purchase Ost roubles owing to their scarcity. The German Chargé d’Affaires, Vogel, forwards the money in his pouches.

Apart from the abuses continued by the Baltic Barons, which have infuriated the masses (now conscious of holding the whip handle), the Russian Government has done much harm in encouraging the hatred between German Baits and Esthonians, believing that by applying the principle of “Divide et impera” the demands of the people for greater independence and progress might thus partially be broken by encouraging national disputes between the various races.

The differences between the German Baltic element and the Esthonians are not nearly so great in the country as in the cities.

When the Germans left a great many of the German Baits went with them to Germany, others fled to Finland, and others to the Scandinavian countries. Their city houses are closed and their Estates merely occupied, in most cases by the head of the family, endeavoring under the present very difficult conditions to make both ends meet. Almost all the families of the nobles are at least temporarily impoverished. The various events of the last four years have devastated some 30,000 hectares of cultivated land, rendering it non-productive. The revolution of 1905 laid waste some 80 of the manor houses.

The Baltic Barons’ attitude towards Russia has been a curious one. Most of them have contended that they were loyal to the Czar and his throne, but were foreigners to the country. This perverted point of view naturally added to their unpopularity in Russia. They have always and genuinely looked upon the Esthonian people as their feudal property and as an inferior race. They have only mixed in the rarest instances. The Esthonian people, from its side, returned the feelings with rage, heartily detesting their powerful masters. The farmers were as a rule treated kindly and paternally, and apart from their wishing land, and suspecting the injustice of the subdivision of it, regarded their landlords with kindly eyes.

The substantial merchants, the bankers, city magistrates, and leaders among the burgers in the large cities such as Reval, Dorpat, and Pernau, are almost all German Baits, and among this class one finds confidence and common work with the Esthonians, though lack of culture and education very frequently makes the inferiority of the latter evident.

A memorandum is affixed²⁶ giving the new form of government as proposed by the Baltic Barons.

Question B8—How has the land problem been dealt with up to date? What is the government program in the future?

The Government supports its case against the landowners and non-productivity of the land by presenting the following figures. Only

• 18 percent of the entire land has been cultivated
• 30 percent represents badly kept prairies
• 22 percent forest land
• 30 percent inhabited and en friche

The Nobles, consisting of some 650 families, own 1100 large estates or about 55 percent of the entire land. Some 75 percent of the urban population, working on the land, do not possess any. The country’s future depending principally upon prosperous agricultural conditions, the Land Question became the principal point of contention in the recent elections. All parties, including the large proprietors, agreed that the landless must be given some portion of the land belonging to the great estates. The difference of opinion lay in how much each was to be given, how much, if at all, the proprietors were to be compensated, and whether the nobles were to be deprived of all land, including forests, etc. The exact stand of each Party in the matter is given in the section relating to “Political Conditions in General.”²⁷

The landowners propose that one third of their own and State lands at once be distributed among the peasants, or about 1,650,000 acres in all, some 40 percent of which would fall upon the landowners. This they claim would be all that now could be absorbed, as well as also financed by the State. The landowners are willing to sell at 1914 prices. Forest land is not included.

Until definite legislation has been enacted, the Ministry of Agriculture has temporarily issued a provision which gives it the right to administer all estates which in its opinion are mismanaged. The peasants have in certain instances themselves acted as judges in the matter, and driven out landlord and manager. In other places they are sullenly watching their employers and waiting for the opportune moment. The Government knowing how near the boiling point the entire matter lies, is anxious to legislate as quickly as possible and as radically as it dares. A further decree has been issued to the effect that the Ministry of Agriculture will lease the mismanaged estates, either in whole or in part, for from 1 to 6 years. Special officials representing the Ministry of Agriculture are travelling throughout the country to pass judgement on the estates. The owners are given slight or no opportunity to speak their cause, but the new government manager is immediately installed, the land being distributed and the timber cut. Some 210 properties have to date been appropriated in this manner. …

. . . . . . .

19. Marginal notation in the original: “May 2. Commander Gade says this no longer holds true, Premier’s own statement. Warwick Greene.”
20. Marginal notation in the original: “May 2. Commander Gade’s figures. W. Greene.”
20. Marginal notation in the original: “May 2. Commander Gade’s figures. W. Greene.”
21. Marginal notation in the original: “Troops—no! Naval forces—yes! W. Greene.”
22. Marginal notation in the original: “Yes! W. Greene.”
23. The words “and America” have been added in the original in the handwriting of Lieutenant Colonel Greene.
24. Marginal notation in the original: “Important. W. Greene.”
25. Omission indicated in the original report.
25. Omission indicated in the original report.
26. Not printed.
27. Question B–3, “Party platforms in coming elections to the Constituent Assembly”, has been omitted from the report as here printed.